The city in the floodplain forest ∏ Incepta Archeologica Historica Literature
mmmmm

The City at the Watershed,
the Tin-Route, the Elbe-Line
and
the Nibelungs
🧱

Hans Tilgner

mm 
🧾 𝔄𝔟𝔰𝔱𝔯𝔞𝔠𝔱  

   ……

Der Alte hats gerufen, der Himmel hats gehört,
die Mauern liegen nieder, die Hallen sind zerstört !

Nur eine letzte Säule zeugt von verschwund'ner Pracht,
auch diese schon geborsten, kann stürzen über Nacht !

Und rings statt duft'ger Gärten, nur ödes Weideland,
nur Sumpf in tiefem Schatten, kein Quell durchdringt den Sand !

Des Ortes Namen meldet - kein Lied, kein Heldenbuch,
versunken und vergessen - das ist des Sängers Fluch !
 

Ludwig Uhland 
 
Incepta Archeologica Historica
 Links:  
 places in Mecklenburg and Brandenburg
__
megalith-culture at the spring of the Havel
 Roman camps at river Lippe
rectangular forts in northeast Germany
Mathematisation of ethnology
 ↻ mathematical &129535; physics
☎  content
German
top / start
first published
Jun / 28 / 2011

revised upload

 
Megalith-Culture
on the
Watershed
 Klocksin  is is a village in Mecklenburg, exactly on the watershed between the drainage basins of the North Sea and the Bal­tic, only three kilometers south of lake Malchin. To the north-west one of the largest - presumably even the largest - mega­li­thic si­tes of Germany is situated exactly at the highest point of the ridge. Its sheer largeness votes against being a grave or even a gra­ve­yard - as described by the information boards in situ - the more so as there are numerous clearly megali­thic gra­ves along the gorges at the northern flank of that ridge towar ds lake Malchin.
 This site probably is a military or civil rather than a religious one, wherefore first and foremost its strategic location does speak. It points to an early and densely populated region in the megalithic era 4000 to 2000 bChr.
However, a linkage to the early Middle Age remains of the city in the floodplain forest at lake Flache See is un­like­ly, al­beit we have to assume that these remains overbuild older ones.
densely populated
in the
megalithic era
🧱
The City in
the
Floodplain
 In the floodplain forest of a peninsula on the western bank of lake Flacher See south of Klocksin, there lies a city, which is high Middle Age or - less likely early modern era - according to its overall impression. This dating results from fragments of red roof tiles, spread around. This site is well-known to the locals with carvings in the tree trunks, even of late. The city is not easy to ar­rive at, except by boat. From Blücherhof in the west one has to trudge through cultivated fields, which is possible on­ly af­ter har­vest.
 The stonelike sites opposite on the eastern bank of the lake were collected in the megalithic era, or are simple field stones, piled up during all times.
a city,
living from the trade
across the watershed
The SiteDescription of the city: Whether this city is placed on an artificial filled up lake ground, or was flattened by digging down an ele­vation to the level of the lake, remains open. Such flat peninsulas covered with floodplain forests are to be found in all lake dis­tricts of northern Gerrmany. Usually they were shallow lake grounds to become marshy.
Walls around the city do not exist, it was protecteed by clearly artificial trenches ( see be­low ), which after the city was aban­do­ned were filled up or petered out. The waterfront is flat, presumably artificial quays or piers were present, however, no lon­ger are visible.
there must have been
a
pier
The Citadelin the north of the city area lies on top of a hill some 5 m high. Its layout is a circle with a diameter of less than 100 m. On top there are rests of brick-built walls, which date the city into the ( early or high ?) Middle Age, at any rate after the Slavic era. The ci­ta­del is protected all around, also against the city, by an approximately 6 m wide trench, which, like all dit­ches there, to­day is too wet for agriculture.the rubble in the trench
around the citadel
should contain many
datable artefacts
The
Schloß berg
is a hill spectacularly overlooking the city from the south-west, already outside its area. Although one finds this place name on all maps of the region, there are no visible traces of a castle on top. Viewed from above, also in Google Earth, there are two ar­ti­fi­cial tren­ches, nearly 100 m long and 20 m wide, running from its foot to the lake shore. Today they are so­lid but wa­te­ry ground. has the city been lost
before
the castle
was constructed
?
MysteriesOpen questions  If this city still existed in historical times - what was its name? Are there written or oral sources? If so this name must have been made sounding German.
When the city was first founded ( because of the favorable location presumably already during the megali­thic era ) on the main wa­ter­way from the Baltic to river Elbe? And when it was abandoned - only late during the 30-years war, when any trade broke down in Germany, hence also across the watershed, and whole swathes of land were destroyed and depopu­la­ted? Or was it mere­ly relocated to Klocksin and there later overbuilt, a distance of only 5 kilometers.
Are there remains of sites and facilities to transport boats between the lakes of the cataract down to the Müritz which were not overbuilt by later water mills or those of emporer Wilhelm II?
This city cannot have been Rethra since that place was located further to the east, even east of lake Tollense. And it cannot have been Jumne, the second unidentified Slavic place. However,
table Jumne
Place nameold-AssyrianTranslationComment[ Source ]
☟  ☟ ☟[ ☟ ]  
J u m n ekânu(m)
ka ' m i: n

to make secure for ..., seek shelter 
ambush, (to) waylay
j ↔ g ↔ k  typical north of Berlin
in modern Arabic
[ BGP p 146 ]
  [internettranslation]
is a military ansatz - the same as in Malta's small island Comino - which gives rise to the as­sump­tion that this hillfort (?) is to be lo­ca­ted some­where between the Tollense- and Oder-val­leys. Al­so with a military meaning,
Rethra r a ظ r a ظto crack, smash, breakwith two s in ظ canceled,  
located at (Burg-) Stargard ?
[ Qaf p 269 
gives rise to the impression that Rethra was the main defense of a military bor­der­land - a Mark - and Jumne was located as a kind of backup to the north.
This is suggestive of Jumne being some kind of northern retreat for Rethra in this bor­der­land - since danger looms in the south.
🏹Because of the military bearing in eastern Semitic
sta+radd
sta+radd

to get back, regain
to come back

p 263  
p 262 ]
 and also in Assyrian
redûmmmmm(to) lead, escort troops, persue, chase enemy[BGP p 301 
Rethra+la+ad nobody + till p 173+p 4 
  +râḫuleft overp 303 ]
one even can think of both bulwarks having played a role in this battle at river Tollen­se: Ac­cor­dingly the megalithic defenders were well prepared for any assault from the south, re­trea­ting north to Jumne in order to lure the attackers towards the footbridge at Cone­row in the swam­py val­ley of river Tollense, and to stab them in the back.
 Both locations together are an excellent geo-strategical block against raids of the In­do-Eu­ro­peans of the urnfield-culture in the south.
 • Only 4 km north of the village Wodarg - the place wherefrom any attack from the east on­to ri­ver Tollense has to start - there is the broad, swampy, east-west basin Großer Land­gra­ben. Two wet arms surround a small island on which obviously in the upcoming Modern Era some­one al­so has reckognised the strategical value of an offensive de­fen­se against in­va­ders from the south - the Veste Landskron. This situation resembles that one of Rag­na­rök between Stuer and Rö­bel. On top of both benches we find megalithic structures, but those to the south of the Land­graben hardly are reckognisable - some erratic boulders which may have drifted down­hill. In an­cient times there only were connecting plank roadways - in swamps they are easy to mask against aliens.
 • For the southern location Rethra there is only, the most likely one solution - (Burg) Stargard. The name means Old Town in Slavic, which tells that already in that late era it was old. It is si­tua­ted on a hill, one of seven ones, which in turn are situated on a high plain. For ru­ling the coun­try this place is essential - today this center has moved downhill and a few kilometers west­wards to Neu­brandenburg at lake Tollense.
 However, this encounters two challenges −

 🛑 there should be archeological traces of the battle on both sides of
the track ( from the east ) down to the motte at Conerow close to the river,
 🛑 morphologically the letter  l  must have been assimilated by the letter  r 
in one of the three changes of the population up to present or
simply have been misunderstood by the German chronicler.
Altogether we assume
Jumne at Landskron and Rethra at Stargard ❗
 Stettiner Haff, river Peene and Großer Landgraben enclose a broad coastal plain in which
Span+te 
+k 
+ow 
sapannu + t â m t immmm
+ī kumm
+ow


coastal plain
mm+ ditch
mmmm+ Slavonization
standard Accadian tant i [P&W]
also dyke - a Babylonian loan?
meaning someone from there
[ BGP p 317 ]
[ P&W p 126 ]
 
is situated around 11 km from the Schwedenstraße, connecting Anklam with Ducherow, east of which there only are wet lands up to the Haff. For the middle row there is alter­na­ti­ve­ly a Su­me­rian retrospection
ká+opening +, mouth +looking to resp. from the east[ Pp l II p 185 ]
with the meaning costal plain opening to the Haff. Since possibly dyke is the root of Du­che­row - with a convincing semantics - also
dyke
+yke
dagmn
m+ī ku

(to) stop, idle
mmmm+ bank of earth
everything originating in Su-
 merian, but loan to Semitic
[ Pp l II 414. + 411. ]
[ BGP p 126 ]
has to be mentioned here - with, however, the challenge that the last consonant in the ear­liest Slavic written record is unexplained.
 These northern locations have names from geography. Since danger was looming from the south, the urnfield-culture, we expect south of Stargard mainly names with a milita­ry bea­ring. Exception
Rebel(+ow
 Ramel(+ow
ram l (+...sand (+... north
south  of the Graben
straightly on the sand dunes siding the Landgraben - only 9 km southeast exactly in the same pro­ximity of the Landgraben we have the place name Sand hausen❗
Ramla in Gozo, Amelân in Friesland, Amrum in Schleswig, Rømø in Denmark,
now Ramelow here —
it remains to find such sand-names in all megalithic territories.
 Up to the Prussian railway construction, deeply cut into the high plain at a lake and con­nec­ted to the outside only by one path
Camminka'm i: nseek shelterlike above in Jumne
6 km south of Stargard was one of the the loneliest hamlets in Germany.
Usadelusātu + elhelp, assistence + highview from above on-
 to the large lake Tollense
[ BGP p 428+p 69 , 
obviously was a main station on the way north, overseeing the lake from above.
Peckatelpuāgu  
  +ta
mmmmmm+el


take away forcibly from
mmmmm+ from
mmmmmmmm+ high
shorter pēgu
a Sumerian reminiscence
Usadel in view 8 km east
p 277 ]
[ Pp l II 2461. ]
 
obviously was a station to block any traffic and trade west of lake Tollense. Only some 4 km north of Usadel
Nemer
(+ow
nāmeru
(+...
watch tower
(+...
here all towers for signalling[ BGP p 235 ]
was a kind of backwards station. Close to Stargard at
Rowarab i a
ramû

warden
quit a place
a kind of castellan
m → w
[ P&W p 90, p 91 ]
[ BGP p 297 ]
administration begins. 4 km south of the military bolt Peckatel-Usatel
Weisd
+in
usâtu 
 + i i n
Usadel
+troop
garrison of Usadel
is a kind of advanced post at a southern border of the Megalithicians - there are numerous me­ga­lithic sites spread over this area around lake Lieps. In Weisdin the site still can be seen at the highest point of the hill, although many of its stones have been used for road con­struc­tion and the wall around the cemetry besides - it looks like that one at Randow near Demmin. On the other sites they probably are overbuilt by manors and castles. Like halfway between Pe­cka­tel and Usadel as the crow flies the castle Hohen
Z i er (+itz)zuāzu, zu ᦱ ᦱ uzu
za  uzzu

divided, distribution
distribution
 ↔ r or a phone-
   tic r filled in later
[ BGP p 446, p 450 ]
[ P&W p 178 ]
as a kind of distribution center exactly in the central hill of these megalithic bor­der­lands. The suf­fix +its may be added in the Slavic and the prefix Hohen in the German era.
 Some of them may have been only watch towers, to have intervisibility. They therefore were a mi­litary locking bolt of the Megalithicians and may have played a role in the batt­le of Co­ne­row at river Tollense.
only excavations
can disclose
these mysteries
The
True
Sensation
is, however, the huge megalithic site at the highest point of the watershed some 1.5 kilometer northwest of the vil­lage Klock­sin: Seen from above it is a perfect half-disk on the southern side of the gravel road following the watershed. Since it is well-known that a circle has the optimal quotient of area to circumfence, there must have been a second half-disk north of the gra­vel road, loot­ed probably already in prehistoric times and in the following was totally robbed of all stones. There must have been two gates exactly at the gravel road.
 Whether the two wooded pit-like structures to the north, spared from agriculture, were included is difficult to decide with­out ex­ca­vation. Such circular gills can be seen all over that region, most of them with­out an archeological back­ground.
Before the teardown of its northern half it was one of
the largest megalithic sites in Europe.
We take it for
the treasury of the Nibelungs.
 Its affiliation to the landing at the northern end of lake Fache See is akin to that one of the Ahrensberg to the dry over­land pas­sage from Twietfort to Stepenitz. In both cases we assume military guardance of the long distance road to­ge­ther with the sto­rage of goods. Whether it also is mentioned in the conflict between Vanir and Asir, remains open.
should be
excavated
at all costs
🚣
The
Waterway
 Only recently the Fossa Carolina was reckognised as being a completed and in use waterway between the basins of river Main and river Donau. Thus this predecessor of the modern Rhein-Main-Do­nau-channel was not only a trial of the era of Char­le­magne but already a successful waterway, until it later ( during the Interregnum? ) went bust and was forgotten [ LZ& ].
 It even is possible that this Fossa Carolina plaid a decisive role in the subjection of the Bavarians by the Franconians and the sub­sequent ousting of the Bavarian gentry of duke Garibald and their replacement by Franconian knights - 200 years before the re­place­ment of an Anglo-Saxon by a Norman nobility after the battle of Hastings.
Between lake Malchiner See and the Müritz, hence between the basins of the Baltic and the North Sea, there ex­ists a match­ab­le trial to construct a waterway which for sure hasn't been completed.
This western variant of the amber route, however, has been in existence for many centuries - may be even millen­nia - un­til bron­ze was replaced by iron and until therefore the Germanics - coming into existence in this Urzelle around Seddin - exited to the west, south and north.
Pre-historic trading routes follow natural ridge- and waterways, mostly installed much earlier by the bell-beaker-cul­ture: Here - in principle north-south river Peene upstream - passing the lakes of Kummerow and Malchin, then across the wa­ter­shed at Klock­sin. Therefrom it continues via a cataract of seven small into the large lakes of the Müritz-lake plain:
Flacher – → Tiefer – → Hof– → Berg– → Lankhagen – → Loppiner – → Jabelscher – → Kölpin– resp. Flee­sen–see .
These seven lakes were connected by short streams, navigable with canoes. Today they are partly interupted by water mills. At the spring of river Havel it was as recently as emperor Wilhelm II to make the waterway navigably for canoes by building lorries to car­ry the canoes over short distances between the lakes of the cataract, even erecting the railway station of Kratze­burg de­di­cated to „his" canoests. Its prolongation leads via lake Plauersee, and from Bad Stuer at its southern landfall by a wan­de­ring through dry forests to river Stepenitz at the cloister / convent Marienfließ in the village Stepen i tz.
 A question remains: At the Klocksin end of lake Flache See there is a channel 100 m long and 20 m wide, which to­day is swam­py. Has here somebody tried to cut through the watershed? Since we do not find a counterpart at lake Malchiner See - say at the ham­let Peenehäuser or on the lakefront in Dahmen to the east - we have to explain this site as a harbor, thus attri­bu­ting to the near­by island in lake Flacher See the role of a staple market - but one with a megalithic tomb!
a north-south-way
not on but across
the watershed
🏞
The
Road Network
is relatively simple: A junction on top of the waterhed, hence in west-east-direction is possible, but here in northern Ger­ma­ny un­proven. To the north the Baltic Sea itself was a trading route, and in the south the prolongation of the Hellweg from the west via Pots­dam to the Bal­tic states was a major competition. Hence the need for a west-east-trading route on the watershed was low, such routes usually only were important locally. Contrary to this trading of amber along several trading routes from the Baltic to the Mediterranean in all epochs remained profitable and therefore stable.
Hence the Semitic etymology
table main waterway
Place / TermSemitic / ArabicTranslationComment[ Source ]
☟  ☟ ☟[ ☟ ]  
Klo+cksin kull + ẖazynall + magazinemagazine itself is Arabic [ Kluge ][ Spi p 157 ]
  kull + xaz i i naall + (public) treasurycontaining the riches[ WBS p 134 ]
- which can be backtracked to much earlier Akkadian + Assyrian -
 ⮄  kalu + ḫaṣānuall + (to) shelter, protect[ P&W p 45 + 36 ]
- or likewise describing the situation
Klocks+in ⮄kas i l aqqu + i natreasury + towardsof a goddess? only ⇄ necessary[ BGP ], [P&W ]
 
exactly hits the archeological situation on the watershed between North Sea and Baltic, the southern border of the Peene ba­sin. Given that these two components, language and archeology, of a Müller-Hirt diagram go together, we assert that here the third com­ponent mythology is described by the opening, the Alberich part, of the Nibelungenlied. The lacking forth part an­thro­pology needs at least an excavation and the DNA-analysis of human remains.
Herein probably Germanic  a l  l (e)(s)  also is of Semitic origin - ku l l (a) - with an insu­lar Cel­tic in­ter­mediate form hu i l i, see [ V&N p 274 ].
    If this all doesn't appear in continental Celtic this would deliver a further clue for a me­galithic voyage around Western Europe. But one shouldn't draw conclusions in lost languages from something which didn't take place.
Also noteworthy is the analogy of the mirrowing  ul ⇄ lu  with the well-known Slavic one  gard ⇄ grad. Even more striking is the morphologic and semantic similarity with the name of the Nor­man province Calvados !
 That in these place names the stronger enhancement replaces the weaker one in ma+ga­zine, which in turn traveled from Se­mi­tic via Ita­lia into German [ Kluge ], also is a strong hint for an ear­ly me­ga­lithic wandering around Western Europe.

Nearby
Moltz (+owmelq artmaster of the earthfor this Proto-Semitic god  ☎[ V&N p 398 ]
 ↑   ↑
mal i k + ˀardruler + earth
gives rise to the conclusion that there was a sacred place of this Semitic god, probab­ly la­ter over­built by a manor house. T. Vennemann even assumes that Hart land Point at the coast of De­von can be derived from Her­cu­les meaning this god.
 Since the nobilty name von Maltzan early can be assigned to this place, we find here an­other  family tradition  of megalithic origin - this also of religious nature.
Slavic +ow only says  someone from there  and doesn't give the meaning of the initial❗
- counter example Rhinow north of Berlin - there was no Slav (?) with the name Rhin who gave his name to the river and the town.

 For lack of visible traces - overbuilt, washed away by floods or drowned in the lake, one should, however, dive for wrecks - at the southern end of lake Malchin in
Dahmentamwynutility servicefor the drive on to the Baltic[ Spi p 100 ]
one has to argue only from linguistics and geophysics: This name sounds more Semi­tic as In­do-Eu­ropean. And more likely one expects settlements south of the watershed, say near Klock­sin, than north of it, where the climate is rusher.
☝  
These places on resp. close to the watershed between North Sea and the Baltic are a hotspot of megalithic settling in nor­thern Ger­many. Along river Peene followed from the Baltic upriver we find the place names
  
Arkonaarkāncornersseen from the open sea [internettranslation]
That Cape Arkona on the northern coast of Rügen has something to do with corners shows Carl Schuchhardt in his map [ Shh p 335 ].
Rügenrukncorner, land's end, capeextended to the whole island[ Spi corner ]
 orrağrāğsea (,meerumschlungen'?)romantic description[Whr p 452]
  orruğanspatial endreferring to its northernness[WrK p 333]
   orruğḥānsuperiority, dominancewas Sagard the first capital ?[Whr p 452]
Sagardsu + gard
suuq + gard
sea + city
basar + city
Brynhild's Seegard of the Nibe-
lungensaga a trade center❓

[Qaf p 336]
Related to its area Rügen has the longest coast of all islands in the Baltic, with many bays and natural harbors. If there was the capital, likely Sagard on an island in the is­land and therefore naturally protected from over land attacs, it later must have been Ger­ma­ni­sed. Over time it was mystified and became Asgard, the place of the Asir – which, how­ever, com­petes with a further southern location near Röbel. So, was it mixed up with Noa­tun, the ca­pi­tal of the Van i r, instead of a location in western French Nantes? And
    have the early predecessors of the Phoenicians passed on some 4000 bChr
    their Egyptian name to the  Van i r - House of Germanic gods ?
Peenebāʼi nexcessive (length, size)meaning length and area[ Whr p 131 ]
To the east river Peene stands out for its huge drainage basin especially lakes Mal­chin and Kum­merow. Later during the Bronze Age the trade amber against metals cul­mi­na­ted and the waterway along that river and over the watershed to river Elbe be­came bu­sy, as des­cribed in detail in the following.
 In this name modern Arabic initial p sounds like b, like in the names of the countries Por­tu­gal and Poland. Only Iraqi Arabic keeps initial p, but basicly only for loanwords.
 The lower valley of this river has been - like Rügen and the area to the west of the Mü­ritz - a clus­ter of megalithic settlement [ Wun map ], which should not have changed until - our da­ting to say 1900 bChr of - Sigurd's travel to Brynhild in Seegard in the land Sua­va.
[ WBS p 51 ]

At the gateway of the Peenestrom into river Peene, today abandoned but in the 1920s in­ten­sive­ly excavated, lies
Menzlin ⭮manzaldwelling, harboring, housinga harbor masters office  [ Spi p 70,
munazz i mregulator, inspectorwith custom office ?p 456 ]
on a sanddune high above the riverbank and therefore save against floods. Its contro­ling si­tua­tion is described by this name to the point. This place should have given up on­ly af­ter the ar­rival of the Slavs, since the western Slavs initially were midlanders and no seafarers.
 Only here they adopteed Viking habits and became dreaded pirates - to leave behind five of their place names on Lol­land and Falster.
 Because of Arabic  manzal ≡ rank, posi­tion  we suppose Menzlin the residence of a prince. A seafaring nation will accept this location, protected against floods and enemies, as very sui­tab­le - which is shown by ongoing excavations even for the ages before the Vi­kings.

 A little further upriver lies
Qu i l+ow ⭮ka l ī l
ga l ᒼ a

less
big rock, fortification
+ow only being a later 
Slavic personalization
[WrK p 759]
[Qaf p 527]
somewhat off the river on a place which is safe from floodings. Herein less means the sur­face of river Peene since at the height of Menzlin and also upstream in the same dis­tance the river is much wider. The lower entry is less likely since a fortifiction makes here little sense and the rock in front of today's manor is not big enough to suit for a naming. Com­pare with Kiel.
Demmin ⭮ ḍ i mnin the heartlandmiddingly exactly the midpoint[ Whr ḍ i mn ]
Sand+ow ⭮s i nad
sanad
support, stay, prop up, backinga nearby trading point even be- 
coming a traditional manor❗
[ Qaf p 331 ]
[ WrC p 435 ]
does convince more than any exerted Slavic etymology. Thus Demmin here is described as the midpoint of the vast basin of river Peene.
 This corresponds to the same place names in the middle of the Orkneys and the Farør.
 Herein we assume medieval  s → r  and the usual Slavic personalisation +ow in order to fit to­days Rand+ow in Demmin into the Nibelungen lied as the place of Sigurd's family – read Wehr-Cowan's translation  the uninterrupted chain of authorities on which tradition is based.
 Presumably there were more megalithic settlements near the mouth of river Peene, even be­low the well-excavated Viking site ? This conclusion is due to the numerous me­ga­li­thic sites around this strategic situation at the confluence of three rivers.
 Once more Warnow, Peene and Demmin reveal how important isolation plays a role in na­ming neigh­boring regions resp. places.
Malchinmal i k+i n(the) royals1215 recorded as Malekin
is situated so favorably halfway between the lakes of Kummerow and Malchin that it should have competed with Dem­min as as a main center - may be there a center of tra­ding, here a re­si­dence. Hence Lake Malchin is a Kings Lake.
Based+owbașșaţscattered, outspreata settlement with scattered buildings[ WBS p 36 ]
is situated high above Lake Kummerow. Its landing has been the no longer existent War­gen­thin. Hence around the castle, royal stud and park there should have been an area for ag­ri­cul­ture, the southern border of which should have been near.
Stäcker+sahlmu + qa ع ع ar + sahldished+plainsubstitute mu+ by sta+[WBS p 376]
on the other side. Possibly the first part of the name became a family name when in early Mid­dle Age family names came into being. Its second part is telltale and once more des­cribes the area ac­curately.

Opposite on the northern bank of Lake Malchin
bār i zoverhanginga geographical meaning[ Whr p 80 ]
Brist (+ow ⭮bar i zaemphasizing to / ofmeaning optical / meaning[ - || - ]   
buruzprominence[ WBS p 31 ]
is naturally protected against pressure from the south. Since the bank 6000 years ago may have been further inland this place was visible from afar.
 In the third line  z  is pronounced as a sharp s, whence there is a missing t - which may be un­der­stood as a female suffix [ V&N p 98 ]. This in turn makes this place an estate of a noble wife, un­beloved but married only for dynastical reasons.

Hence nearby
Bül (+ow ⭮bāl(a)importantanother local gentry ?[ Whr p 124 ]
balasupportingalso bestowing importance[ Spi p 64 ]
to the south can be interpreted as a supply site or a watch.

Almost at the southern end of Lake Malchin follows
Schorss(+owˀaśśar, عaašar(closely) af f i l i ated to[Spi p 296] ,
[ WBS p 311 ]
on the northwest bank, wherein remains open to which location - Bristow or already the lan­ding at Lake Malchin, the sites on top of the watershed and at lake Flache See.

Consideralby south of the watershed at the end of the cataract of smalleer lakes follows
Jabeljabel [slav.]appleGerm.,Slav.,Celtic ⭮ Semitic[ V&N p 504 ]
at a junction of the waterway, well-known to the megalithic Vanir and an impor­tant stop of the jour­ney south. Initial J+ clearly is Slavic, however, presumably overtaken by Slavs [ Jam p 3 ].
 The origin of the European apple is supposed to have been in eastern Anatolia. In Germa­nic my­thology apples are associated with the Vanir, hence the megalith-culture. With T. Ven­ne­mann we conclude that those had not only sheep but also apples on bord and first of all made southern England - Avalon - afterwards Ja­bel a region of apples. The ar­cheo­bo­ta­nists of the University of Kiel come to the same conclusion for macaroni wheat.
 Because of the milder climate megalithic settlements are more likely to be found around Ja­bel than at Dahmen north of the watershed at Lake Malchin.
 This word also survives in an Italic place name, but therein apple was replaced by a dif­fe­rent ver­sion of the Semitic root.
 Likewise [ WBS ] places inside this word field  j-w-l ≡ to orbit  and  j-b-l ≡ mountain  ( dome fits bet­ter ).

Therefrom a change of direction to the west leads into the narrow stetched lake
furašbracing, struttingabreast to the larger lakes there[ WBS p 349 ]
Fleesenfarzsegregating, separatingwith narrow channels[Whr p 952]
(+see ⭮faršoutstrechinghinting its shape[Whr p 953]
fāș i lseparatingconnects resp. separates two large lakes[ Whr p 967 ]
furaṡdistance, spreadvisibly separated[ Spi p 270 ]
and continuing into lake Plauer See. All these characterisatons also hold for the city of Flens burg and its Förde ( ≡ firth ), taking nasalisation into account:
 This firth separates together with the belt of sand dunes east of Tarp two Ger­ma­nic tribes - the Anglos in the south from the Jutes in the north.

Directly in front lies
Malch(+owmal i kruler, prince, king
on a controlling island, barring the waterway.

North of the widening of lake Petersdorf
Bies (+torfwa:s iˁbroad, wideningw → b  is a atandard shift[internettranslation]
lies inside a forest with access to the lake. The soundshift to  b  may have been facilitated by the lack of meadows there. It must have occured when the megalithic language no lon­ger was un­der­stood, be­cause otherwise the result would have been the reverse of  broad, name­ly  baẖs ≡ be­lit­teling.
High above the eastern bank of lake Plauer Sees and in a strategic position there is
[ WBS p 494 ]
Z i s l (+ow ⭮taṣṣu lestablished, deeply rootedwith German soundshift[ Spi p 71, p 242 ]
taˀsṣṣu lrootageaṣl, uṣul ≡ root, ancestry[ Whr p 29 ]
with a hillfort of the Bronze Age and still being in use until the Slavs, for sure being built against pressure onto the main waterway by the invading Indo-Europeans in the south. When­ce a threshold of fortifications is to be expected there to the east. A natu­ral con­ti­nua­tion would be on the western bank of lake Plauer See near Appel burg between Plau­er - and Plöt­zen­see, how­ever, without the same strategic relevance. But this remains to be verified. At least this place name is Se­mi­tic [ V&N p 504 ].
 Conceivably Indo-European mercenaries were settling here, later contributing in making this area Germanic.

 At the southern end of lake Plauer Sees, at the foot of a steep rise leading to wayless fo­rests and heathlands, impenetrable until the Middle Age and thus making a trading route from here to the south uneconomicly, lies
Stuer ⭮s i taarcurtaina wooden curtain[ WBS p 213 ]
ma+stuurhidden, enclosedstill today an insiders' tip
as a cut off settlement, so to say below a curtain. From a strategic point of view it is totally com­ple­mentary to Userin to the east, considerably north of a line from the southern end of lake Plauer See to the Müritz. Looking at this line as the southern border of the megalithic Va­nir, this corresponds to the strategic location of Roman forts at the Limes in Germany.
At the end south-west of lake Plau we find the footbridge to the way overland at
tawāturcarried on successionmeaning the travel[ Whr p 1373 ]
Twiet+fort ⭮taћawwu lcross overto the south - to Stepenitz [internettranslation]
taћ'w i:lprolongation, transferüber die Landverbindung[-||-]   
taţw i lprolongationdoubling[Whr p 794]
surrounded by megalithic graves. Obviously this name is one more doubling, meaning fjord+fjord, since the little creek is not broad enough to justify that name.
 At the landing, today overbuilt by a large hotel, commences a steep slope onto a hill, which at its steepest point is dugged in deeply. Like for several gullies in this re­gion this in­di­cates long­term usage.
 Alluringly such an etymology holds for more Twiete s, a usual name for a nar­row lane in nor­thern Germany.

 The lack of natural defences by say rivers, mountain ranges with deep forests or else made de­fen­se a central problem for this overland passage, leading to military sites, as
Ganz l (+i nq i šlabarracksplus nasalisation[Whr p 373]
indicates. Conceivably here existed a (Indo-European ?) squad of mercenary soldiers, who la­ter ad­ded to the genesis of Germanic as a new language, coming into use in Sed­din.
☟ 
South of
radddefense[Whr p 463]
Retz(+ow ⭮rāș i d / rașadguard, overseereven scout[Whr p 475, p 476]
ta+raddudcoming in and outhence typical for surveillance[Whr p 464]
razzfestening at[Whr p 466]
- like Rethra obviously a military-strategic name - visibly from afar elevates the
Ahrensbergح i rassurveilinga military function[WBS p 96]
ح i razpiling, hoarding, staplestapleing of goods and merchandise
at the northern border of a flat saddle between lake Plau and Stepenitz. It has the same func­tion for the overland-passage crossing this saddle as Klocksin has for the passage over the wa­ter­shed in the north. The nasalisation by an infixed n sounds like being a *Vas­co­ni­sa­tion.
 Because of
xaz i natreasury[ WBS p 134 ]
cks i n ⭮ẖazyntreasury chamber[ B&H p 249 ],[ Spi p 157 ]
ğ i zantax, toll, tribute[ Whr p 183 ]
on both elevations an archeological excavation is with excellent prospects.
 In Ahrensburg near Hamburg this spot presumeably is the hill west of the Bredenbeker Teich. Comparison of the place names alone gives rise to the conclusion, that Ahrens ­burg plays the same role at the Königsweg from Hamburg to Lübeck - all locations lie some­what aside the route - more exactly in the backyard ( of the main locations Klocksin and the Mel­ling­burg ) and are easier to defend but close by.
  
 There is an offshoot to the south via the Müritz to the - in southern direction stretched - lake Nebel, running in an allu­vi­al chan­nel and 6000 years ago still connected with the Müritz and the more southern lakes. At the southern slope of the wa­ter­shed near Klocksin this nameless (?) early Middle Ages city in the floodplain forest overbuilds an earlier staple market. The ca­ta­ract of smaller lakes, whose water connections some 6000 years ago should have been considerably longer, crosses over in­to Ger­ma­ny's largest lake - the Müritz. At the Megalithic age all this should have been only one larger lake.
☟  
Mür   ⭮mur massacre, doom, deathour word murd+er[ Ppl 1 p 252 ,
+ i tz  +i.z i + (water) streamhence a stream of death2 p 59 ]  
is a better etymology than the well-known Slavic - from little sea - one, which al­so hits but pro­bab­ly only is an adaptation at an already earlier, but no longer under­stood name. In­deed on its eastern bank - with many bays - on eve­ry head­land there are megalithic tombs, every se­cond be­ing over­built by a bunker of world war II. East of these head­lands there on­ly are shal­low ponds, swamps and floodplain forests, which foster the im­pression of an entran­ce in­to the realm of the death. Has this been an isolated ne­cro­po­lis, to be arrived at only by boat ? That we find here - in later times only liturgical - Su­me­rian is another success !
     Educated guess :
     Similarly the name Pomerania can be understood, because As­sy­rian  pāna+ ≡ vor+  giv­es German Vor+ instead of West+. Likewise hitting  mer ≡ high wa­ter  and  mu ≡ ri­ver  [ Ppl 1 pp 57,58,59 ] - all of them being much older than the usual Slavic ety­mo­lo­gy.
     Assyrian  pāna+mer  even is closer to the name Pomerania than every usual Sla­vic ety­mo­lo­gy! And - German Vor+ is a word doubling because it already is part of this name. This also means that the Megalithicians came in from the west, and that this took place from the valley of river Oder, with its frequent floods because of its huge drain­age ba­sin. Thus this naming makes sense inland and not at Baltic coasts.
     We assume that the megalithic name of river Oder contained the short mu+, la­ter trans­la­ted to water by the invading Indo-Europeans - and therefore isn't a new name.
     Do we encounter somewhere in Hinter-Pomerania  ark i š ≡ behind  as a part of a name [P&W p 79] ❓
     990 aChr we find for and in Pomerania the name Schinesge: Assyri­an  šanuš ≡ dif­fe­ring, al­ter­native  can be looked at as a variant of German Hinter with the root  šanû ≡ to be dif­fe­rent  [P&W p 111]. Arabic  šanaţ ≡ fixed per­ma­nently  [ B&H p 481 ] and [ Spi p 248 ] even gives rise to a political interpretation: The eastern border of the me­ga­lith-cul­ture, es­pe­cial­ly of the province the name of which contained the name Anklam, was on­ly a few ki­lo­me­ters east of the island of Wollin.
     Adjacent Hinter-Pomerania wasn't heartland but confederate and kept in check by a bor­der guard on the island, whose gruffness became outspoken and on­ly was ter­mi­na­ted much later by christianity. It prevailed in times of weakness of the cen­tral pow­er and then became mere piracy, for instance during the Viking era - com­pare his­to­ry and name of the Hansa. Also because of the central location of the is­land of Wol­lin As­sy­rian
      Misdroy ⭮  muštarr i ţu  ≡ cocky, arrogantmmmm[ P&W p 69 ]
       
    is a nice pre-Slavic derivation which avoids searching for a spring there. Since the nor­dic me­ga­lith-culture prevailes for more than 2000 years, and to the east there were no more megalithic sites, there also is the alternative derivation
      Misdroymmn⭮   m i șru + darû   ≡ border + everlasting   [P&W p 65, p 21]
       
    possible. Difficult to decide - perhaps playing with words?
In the upper line of Müritz the syllable mur only can be traced back to early Semitic gamāru [Ppl 1 p 252].
+bel ⭮ra ˁ y   protectionagainst frequent windstorms[ Whr p 480, 
+bel + buluġ + arriving atġ cut offp 108 ]
cuddles at the end of an inlet, twice sectioned by narrows. This firth is a secure place for boats, con­trary to the eastern bank of the Müritz, the numerous coves of which open to the west.
 On the promontaries of the east bank alternate megalithic tombs with modern bunkers, in­to which someone during or after the second world war has built in the stones of such tombs. Therefore this east bank is a large necropolis, to be arrived at only by boat ac­ross the Mü­ritz. Pre­sumably this east bank some 6000 years ago still was a chain of flat is­lands and a sce­na­ry of swamps and shallow ponds.
 Hence we can understand the loss of the suffix + because  bāl ≡ wich­tig  also makes sen­se [Whr p 124].

South of the Müritz, lake Müritzsee and lake Kleine Müritz there is
nabbalnarrowing to a pointalso  catapult[ WBS p 451 ]
Nebel (+see)nablatip, pointgeographically fitting here exactly
nebelarrowhere meaning  arrowlike to the south[ R-L p 479 ]
today the central and largest lake in this lake chain, which, however, has nothing to do with ri­ver Ne­bel further north. However, since here there is no continuation of the waterway to rivers Ha­vel and Elbe, this route to the south was not able to compete with that one along ri­ver Ste­pe­nitz. At the junction of the Mü­ritz into lake Flee­sen­see there should have been a large me­ga­li­thic site - still to be discovered? But on the hill chain east of lake Ne­bel­see, to be com­pared with that one east of the lake Mühlensee at the Ha­vel­spring, there is nothing like that.

 Also there are few - if any - megalithic sites more to the south, if one changes from the wa­ter ba­sin of the Müritz into that one of river Rhin ( say near Diemitz / Luhme ), continu­ing the wa­ter­way for many miles till the spout of river Rhin into river Havel near the village Pritzen south of lake Gül­per See. This name is another Pritz+name, like that one of Pritzerbe upri­ver the Ha­vel.

 Further down to the south there is a short passage from lake Nebel to lake
(der) Türenṭ aranwetlandmeaning area of lakes but 
 not of floods as in

 [ Thorn ] and [ Torn itz ]
- the historical tabloids in the nearby village Lärz even report the old name Turne for the whole area. Adding the suffix +i yye, typical for Semitic place names, we get Tronje, hence Ha­gen's place in the Nibe­lun­gen­lied.
 On its eastern shore in the Lärzer Werder there is a nearly rectangular hill fort with the pas­sed down name
Bagg+e l  ⭮baqa+ᒼâly spot, stay+highdescribes the view[ Spi pp 273+138
 +t roog +tarâk (+am+piled updescribes the constructionp 198 ], [ WrK p 76 ]
- hence of megalithic origin and only adapted to Plattdeutsch and by no means Slavic. Op­po­site on its western shore there is one of the many German Block sberge, which we ( have to ) take for a settlement ( more probably execution ) place of the indigenous Band­ke­ra­ra­mik peop­le.
Tra l (+owt + r i ع عaal, rah lt + resettle, stop overa branch of lake Thüren and 
a given up village
[ Trelle+ ], [ Rahl+ ]
is a since the 1950 years abandoned place on the Lärzer Werder north of the hill fort.
Less than 3 km to the south as the crow flies the hamlet Troja - with a connection by boat via the to­day most­ly dried out lake Krümmel - looks like a kind of associated manor. Which may have lost the n in its name only lately due to Schliemann's Troja-hype - this is the standard explanation. However, we do not have to care for this letter n, since in the nordic version of the Nibelungen-saga Hagen's place even is called
Troia
 The geo-strategical situation of the Turne-area is simple - with only a height of less than 3 m above the lakes the place Baggeltrog is nearly completely surrounded by water. Against the Lär­zer Werder in the east there remains an isthmus which is blocked by a small motte. To the south there was a sidearm of lake Tralow, which today is drained by a modern chan­nel along swampy meadows.
Despite rare megalithic sites we see the possibility to take this lake for the home of the
Nibelungen

– and the hillfort east of lake Türen as the manor of Hagen of Tronje –
- and hence to associate to the route from lake Müritz down to river Nuthe in Potsdam
a decisive historical role.
 And the etymology of Berlin
 Perle+berg and a congruent hydro-strategic location lead to an etymology, al­though ten­ta­tive­ly, of Cölln and Berlin, the usual ones sofar lacking conviction and there­fore ac­cep­tan­ce: to level out or simply flat from the Prignitz sounds alluringly - which would make Ber­lin a Slavic-sounding Se­mitic word. Because many locations around the histo­ric twin ci­ties Ber­lin and Cölln lie in plane fields and meadows, plain alone doesn't suf­fice for an ex­pla­nation. And to level out  - meaning earthwork - must be proven by ar­cheo­logy.
 And above all - Berlin doesn*t lie in the area of the megalith-culture, the nearest sites are more than 100 km to the north at lake Stiernsee and at Möllen- and Wre­den­ha­gen. At best this was an advanced post on the way south, which, however, was not to be de­fen­ded against In­do-European pressure. We know such advanced posts al­rea­dy at the mouth of river Ha­vel ( but without any mega­lithic trace ) and near Wre­den­ha­gen and per­haps near Die­mitz ( with a me­ga­lithic grave ).
 Berlin / Cölln lie at a narrow of the glacial valley between the upper moraines Barnim and Tel­tow. Which makes swamps less likely than at broader courses of this valley. A Sla­vic name for swamps hence is less appropriate than one from an opening plane - to ri­ver Wule in the east and river Havel in the west.
 Contrary to this we add more weight to the hydro-strategic congruence with two more me­ga­li­thic sites: Like the Schwedenschanze near Horst ( close to Seddin ) and at the out­let of ri­ver Ha­vel near Gülpe there has been a navigable north-south-connection, an off­shoot to the east - where the central places were, namely the Schwe­den­schan­ze resp. the vil­lage Pries­ten, in Berlin / Cölln river Spree. Because of a lack of con­ti­nua­tion to the south the wa­ter­way Havel-Spree as a variant of the amber route was not com­pe­titive. There­fore it pro­bab­ly was blocked to support that one at Seddin.
 Cölln possibly like Kiel comes from Semitic  qalyl ≡ to narrow   with an +n as streng­the­ning. The hill Kien+berg 15 km to the east can be translated, like that one at Pries­ten, as a re­treat+ or protection+mountain, and the river name Wuhle may come from a troupe of guards, like at Wa­low in between the 5 lakes and Wollin at the outlet of river Oder. 
 Like the name Havel, which is megalithic and clearly Germanic, the name Spree is sup­pos­ed to be Germanic as well. Hence it may come from any of the three non-relat­ed lan­guage groups in question. If there were megalicitians here it should describe a cha­rac­te­ri­stic geo­gra­phical fea­ture at the outlet into river Havel. If it has its name from the Spree­wald we can think of * Vas­co­nic  zabal ≡ broad , phonetically close to za­bar. How­ever, there is a 'Vas­co­nic name, mat­ching the Spreewald even better.

 Look back to the south of the Müritz and lake Nebelsee and another variant of the am­ber route towards southern regions. This route, however, needs a 20 km overland passage - say through the hol­low way north of the village Flecken Zechlin:
I chl i mˀ i q l i (i) mprovince, own territorytypical Arabic[ Whr p 32 ]
[ WBS p 11 ]
contains a Semitic root, which also is contained in  Taql i m i → Anklam . The ho­tel with this name is located at the southern end of a peninsla surrounded by lake Ne­bel­see in the west and north, plus a fen in the east. Above the hotel there are two flat-topped hills with steep slo­pes towards the lake, and somewhat lower terraces towards the north. On the northern end one stands on a steep high earthwork with a gorgeous view over lake Nebelsee. Since such by the Ice Age na­tu­ral­ly made elevations never are flat on top, this site must have been man-made, carrying sett­le­ments from the beginning of settling.
 Constructed as studwork they could not withstand erosion. Left at the latest with the exit of the newly formed Germanics at the end of the Bronze Age, they are nothing but war­pings in the flat tops of the hills.
 All this holds on the island on the opposite westbank as well, which together with the pro­mon­to­ry on the eastbank forms a blockade in lake Nebelsee, which should have serv­ed the Me­ga­li­thicians as a natural protection against the invading Indo-Europeans from the south.
 Hence there existed here a third borderland, besides that one around Anklam and the ma­jor one around Seddin at river Stepenitz.

 Only 1 km to the west of Ichlim we interprete the role of the village
Sewek+owsuuq, s i waqmarket, marketshas this been a small market for tra-[ B&H p 442 ]
suwêqasmall market(place)ding with the southern neighbors?[ Spi p 231 ]
as a market, which is to expect exactly here at the southern frontier of megalithic sett­ling. This name reveals the same pattern as the names Tor­ge­low am See and Tor­ge­low an der Ücker. Both mean in Slavic trading place too, but are Germanic loans, wherein the let­ter +l+ may have a Sla­vic explanation. Herein we consider plural instead of singular suuq since Arabic suqs are spa­tial­ly composed of many smaller markets. But al­so time plays a role since markets often take place several times a year.

 2 miles south of here inmidth of a dry area we find the hill Gnitter berg. Such dry areas ge­ne­ral­ly are called  +heide ≡ +heath in Germany.
 The Gn i t t a heide is the place where in the Nibelungenlied Siegfried killed the lind­worm / dra­gon. It is an old insight that the Sigurd- / Siegfried-part is older than the rest of this sa­ga.

🪤 We backdate its content - the hundred fold told tale - to the epoch around 1900 bChr
🪤 and to events of the defence of the megalithic Vanir against the invading In­do-Eu­ro­pean Asir - instead to, after christianisation not completely adjustable events of the big Mi­gration Period aChr,
🪤 and spatially tranfer these events from west to the wild east, from Rhine to Rhin,
🪤 and that the Huns were the Indo-Europeans and among others Siegfried was a Si­gurd.

 For sure the Middlehighgerman version of this lied was versed - from the much ol­der scan­dinavian Nibelungen saga - also an artwork ? - at a time when the heathen Sla­vic people made its actual area unpenetrable for Chri­sti­ani­ty - note the death of the bishop Adalbeert of Bremen.
 On top of the Gnitterberg there is a crossover of two roads, the cobblestone of which pro­bab­ly is to be dated already into the early modern age. Since such roads often follow old, even age-old patterns, this can have been a megalithic north-south connection between Se­we­kow and Dran­se. The etymology
- much older 
Assyrian  
[ P&W sūqu ]
Gn i t t+ergunţaraarcs, stonebridge[ CSW p 395 ]
g i nașto lie in ambushș → ţ  only grammar? 
+heathlandxa δ δ argreening, sproutingproverbial grün ist die Heide [CSW p 137]
describes the geographic-strategical situation surprisingly accurately, but doesn't dif­fe­ren­tiate between this one and the Gnittaheide near Salzuflen - which also is situated out­side the me­ga­li­thic territories but close to its southern border. Heide ≡ heath  sounds Germa­nic but al­so Ara­bic, and so typical superstrat, that this also is a favoured girls name.
 [ Kluge ] traces the etymology of  Heide ≡ heath  also back into Celtic and Latin, i.e. in­to west­ern Indo-European, which semantically fits less well - but doesn't disturb this line of ar­gue­ing.
 Is this road the route of the Urnfield army towards the final battlefield further north near Dar­ze / Stuer? Maintained by the Megalithicians exactly for this purpose? To lure the at­tack­ing ar­my of the urn­field-culture into doom by capitalising on the terrain in a master­ly man­ner? The Gnit­terberg is a high plain with some revines cut in. Is one of those ar­ti­fi­cial, dug out by Si­gurd, the leader of the Vanir - in order to kill the lind­worm?
 Or has conversely todays road bank been filled up only in the modern age, inter­rup­ting an ol­der west-east ravine? An old thought already took the lindworm a meta­phor for the Ro­man le­gions of Quin­tilius Varus, whom we replace by the warriors of the Asir from the south on a raid towards the riches of the Vanir met a first defense site on the Gnit­ter­berg.
 And in
DranseÞrúðs (+heimr)the home of Thor
Baal (+seeBaal+add i rglorious Baal (Baldur)this peninsula the home of Baldur ❓[ Ven Baal ]
In lake Baal see, today sectioned in Great and Little Baalsee, there is a large peninsula, which may have been the home of Baldur and is located between the nor­thern me­ga­lith- and sou­thern urnfield-culture areas - which is in line with this Asir god with the me­ga­li­thic name.

Has in this area the final battle Ragnarök
rag  
+na  
+rök
 ⭮raqrāq
+nu
+ˁarak / +raqaˁ


extraordinary
  those / ours
    fight / defense
compare  Sheela na gig  below
[ ??? p 442 ]
 [ ??? p 143]
[ Whr raqrāq ]
[ Stg p 1090 ]
[ Spi p 197 ]
between the northern Vanir and the southern Asir taken place? Whence the name can be un­der­stood as  brilliant defense. In addition rök also is pha­rao­nic  defense [ E&G 6 p 3 ] !
 We assume the field of the final battle to be the above described plain in front and be­hind the (first) ground wave. Hence the battlefield is situated long-stretched south of to­days state road till shortly east of the village Stu­er and till the willows of the swamps north of Stu­er.
 On top of the nearby ground wave there is a place which is untouched by agri­cul­ture, deep­ly cut in and such large, that it may have been an assembling hall after the batt­le Gim­le. Later it may have been chosen as funeral of the leader of the Vanir Njörd, the stones of which, how­ever, may have fallen victim to the construction of nearby roads and rail­way lines. Be­hind a swampy place to the west there is another megalithic grave in or up a hill, in which mo­dern road construction left deep cuts. Whether this grave then was digged out or whether du­ring the teardown of soil it plummeted remains open. To the west in Neu­stuer there is an­other passage grave containing a stone with cup marks, which indicates an end of the batt­lefield.
 We find a nice argument for a huge battle along the line from Neustuer in the west to Finken in the east on a map of trails from the Innsbruck Kompass publishing company [ Kps ] - 17 me­ga­lithic tombs spread nearly equidistantly. Estimates for preserved mega­li­thic tombs lie be­tween 20 and 50 %. Thus we have here a cluster which may be com­pa­red only with that one of Morbihan in Western France - but not with the long-term in use necropolis on the ea­st­ern shore of Lake Müritz.
 At any rate the landmark ruling in favour of the Vanir must have fallen here, bet­ter geo­stra­te­gic preparation standing up against sheer fighting power.
 The strategic aim of the decisive assault Ragnarök votes for this localisation, and hence against any place south of the Krohnsberge range - the legend tells that the aim were the ri­ches of the Vanir, and those were located on the Ahrensberg, in Mal­chow and on the wa­ter­shed near Klocksin.
V i g i ð rw ǐ þ i g [altengl.]willowthe plain of the battle ❓[ KS Weide ]
After seizing the ground wave - with heavy losses - the Asir warriors found them­sel­ves in a swam­py area south of the much later moated castle, with the three walls and four dit­ches for­ti­fication besides their right shoulders - a clavicula situation. The me­ga­lithic Va­nir re­treated to the east behind this fortiication and thus were able to keep their troops in­tact. The strategy of fortification and taking advantages of the geo­gra­phy equalized the fe­ro­ci­ty and fighting po­wer of the Indo-European urnfield war­riors, i.e. the Asir. The batt­le dis­solved into skir­mi­shes, during which the leaders of both sides mu­tual­ly killed each other.
 In this battle a group of giant s (Riesen) played a role - which exactly remains unclear.
 The lack of written records allowed the leaders of both sides to rise to gods or at least to be mixed up with already existing gods.
 Since the megalithic Vanir held the battleield they were able to bury their lea­ders kil­led in ac­tion near­by ac­cording to their rites, which explains the numerous megalithic tombs of this area.
 The successful defense of the Vanir led to negociations and frail a balance with an ex­chan­ge of hostages ( who eventually were killed ).
 Further to the west at Seddin there was a diplomatic solution - establishing a bor­der­land, which led to the creation of the Ger­manic language as creole under a mega­li­thic-Se­mi­ti(di)c su­per­strat.
 Dating, however, is vague. Assuming that at (2200) bChr the Indo-European invasion in­to Eu­rope came to an end, Rag­na­rök should have taken place then. Whether in the con­text of these wanderings or later remains open. A dating of these graves by phy­si­cal me­thods would be helpful. But here also many of these graves were bull­do­zed in the last cen­tu­ries.
 For this reading of the Germanic sagas of the gods, which only depends on three place names, we necessarily have to break the saga of the Nibelungs and amend the Si­gurd- and Wäl­sung parts to the twilight of the gods. This only is due to the nearness of both skir­mi­shes. A later date of the fight on the Gnit­ta­heide is likely, except we would be able to relate both fights directly.
 Another statement of place of the Ragnarök-tale is the plain
i ðavöl lr ˁaddab + ˁ i bl i ssvictimising / punishing + devilthe plain after the battle ?[ WBS p 7, p 2 ]
ʔ ṯ ⫖ + ˁiblissto drag off forciblypharaonic since the New Empire[ E&G 1 p 150 ]
presumably on which the victors of the battle gather and kill their prisoners. This field pos­sib­ly can be located in the plain east of the village Minzow below the hill with the stone with cup marks on top, visibly afar from this plain. Its passed on name is Devil's Moun­tain resp. ~Stone - pertinent ! It is located some 10 miles east of the battlefield, which in turn lies some 14 miles north of the Gnit­ter­berg. Its grim role becomes even clea­rer from pha­ra­onic  w ⫖ ḥ, which then means  to sacrifice  [p 253], also taking  ʔ ṯ r ≡ pri­soner  into account [p 151]. This on­ly is late New Egyp­tian though, but a loan from a Se­mitic language. Be­cause of this loan Rag­na­rök may have occured long before the Egyp­tian New Empire.
 Pertinently morbid hence also is the name of the street
Socken ⭮šakkaspearingwith similar variants[ Whr p 668 ,
+feldfaradato own solely, widespreadhence both meaningsp 951 ]
from Minzow below the stone with cup marks towards Röbel. Herein the Germanic and the Se­mi­tic expression are remarkably close, closer than the Germanic and Sla­vic resp. the hy­po­the­tical Proto-Indo-European expressions [ KS Feld ]. This points to a common Ur­word, which, how­ever, can have traveled with the megalith-culture. It is not included in Brun­ners list [ Bru ].
 Possibly this plain was Asgard - instead of Rügen - before the twilight of gods to have been Asgard, the home of the Asir: The alternative translation [Whr p 582]  sakā ˀ i n ≡ home of the gods  even leads to a surprising localisation of Ragnarök to the eastern Prig­nitz, es­pe­cial­ly taking [Whr p 823]  ˀ ad ῑ y ≡ to proceed hostile  or something likewise hos­tile in­to ac­count !
 The highest god of the Vanir
Njördn i j a + ˁardsaviour + earthare Njörd and Melkart identical ?[ WBS p 463 ]
resembles starkly the Semitic god Melkart. Since Germanic gods have numerous by­nam­es, this equalisation suggests itself. This is made round by the name
Sigurds i ح ag + ˁardoverrunning + earthname of a winner[WBS p 215]
from the lineage  Sigi → Rerir → Völsung → Sigmund → Sigurd. This dynasty of the
Wälsungen ⭮wal i ˁato be enamo(u)red to[ Whr p 1436 ]
walsdouble-tongued
has made it into the literature of the 20th century.
Annotation to the names of the Asir:
Odinˁ i d i npermission of a godor shortened from Woden ?[CSW p 7 ]
Wodenwoθanidolwaઠઠan ≡ ˁaઠan  [SW p 491][CSW p 487]
and
Thorθarrblood vengenceor shortened from Donar ?[CSW p 61]
surprisingly exactly hit meaning and role of these two highest gods of the Asir. Can we ab­stain from the usual understanding of these names as acronyms of Southgerma­nic na­mes? North­germanic names usually are not acronyms of Southgermanic names.
 Because of the second, the German sound shift the direction of the loan more likely is the con­ver­se one. We therefore assume that before the split of the Semitics from the In­do-Eu­ro­peans there were outstanding leaders with these names or titles.
 In favor of this speak the shared Semitic-Indo-European words
raˁdthunderand alsobarq ≡ Blitz [Ger] ≡ flash[internettranslation]
with convincing Indo-European affiliations. The name Donar resembles
ˁadnānprogenitor of the northern Arabs[ Whr [Engl] p 699 ]
at least partly, which taken alone does speak for a shared lore. The most important derivation herein is that one of the twiligh of the gods Ragnarök. Which can be secured by the two parallel literacies
Sheela   
+na  
g i g
 ⭮ša l l aح
n
g i g


 
to flash (genitals)
  to the benefit of
( a Sumerian loan ?) ≡
compare Rag+na+rök
   ( in Sumerian: nu-g i g ≡
     priestess / hierodule )
[ WBS p 247 ],[ B&H p 476 ]
[ E&G1 p 532 ]
[ H l l p 209 ]
and - by replacing an up to now unconvincing one -
Prig    
+n+  
i tz
 ⭮pr j
+n+
i ˁzāz


battlefield
  in direection of / to
    fortification
Egyptian  ʤ ≡ j ≡ g
 
 
[ E&G 6 p 132 ]
[ Tak 1 p 126 ]
[ Whr p 713 ]
strikingly! Herein Egyptian pr j is the Semitic loan  bary ≡ competing  [Whr p 85].
 The parallelism of these three etymologies surprises - that one of Prignitz does al­so fit exact­ly in­to the prehistory followed here:
 If the Indo-Europeans of the south encountered the Megalithicians of the north, there must have been regions with battlefields - not all of those yet recognized as such.
 First of all the area south of the Krohnsberge, the Prig­nitz, ia a likely area of conflict. Here the Me­ga­lithicians were able to resist narrowly. However, in the end this area be­came In­do-Euro­pean.
 The Megalithicians answered by fortifying the area to the north of the Krohns­ber­ge - the Meck­lenburg, the Schwedenschan­ze north of the hamlet Horst, and the section wall east of Horst.
 They feoffed this borderland to an increasingly powerful dynasty from the Indo-Euro­pe­an urn­field-culture and their entourage, who because of success enforced a new lan­gu­age. This ex­plains the creol-as­pects of the new Germanic language. But the rising Jas­torf-cul­ture was a setback seen from the northern megalith-culture.
 Because of the shared infix  +n(a)+  all such word formations and especially place names come into play, first of all river
Döm    
+n+  
i tz
 ⭮d i m
+n+
i ˁzāz


to tie up a boat
  in dicection to / of
    fortification
also pole
 
 
[ H l l p 44 ]
[Tak 1 p 126]
[Whr p 713]
with its already described fitting geographical / archeological situation, viz the little harbor be­tween river Stepenitz and the ( wrongly socalled ) Schwe­den­schan­ze.
 To discover a harbor by linguistic analysis commemorates the roman harbor at Anreppen / Lip­pe.
 Altogether we get the diagram
Rag+na+rök~Sheela+ na +g i g
Prig+n+i tz~Döm+n+i tz   .
With the help of Simo Parpola [ Ppl ] we can trace more words - especially the third syl­lab­les - back into east-Semitic Assyrian / Ak­ka­dian, and even further back into the non-Semi­tic Su­me­ri­an lan­guage. Even the name of the nearby river
Kümmer  
+nitz  
 ⭮kamāru   
  +nār i s

hoarding, piling up
     + river
today's floodplain forest at  the out-
let was a water basin
[ P&W p 143 ,
p 251 ]
fits into this diagram. This harbor was able to gather not more that 20 boats. Since the prin­ce of Sed­din was rich we have to assume considerable boat traffic on that waterway. When­ce more boats should have been landing directly below the citadel of the Schwe­den­schan­ze.
 Clearly this etymology also can be seen completely parallel to that one of Döm­nitz above.
☝  
gives some of such (superstrat-) etymologies following the wysiwyg-principle for toponyms.
We assume that among these Semitic settlers, arriving since 4200 bChr in Scandinavia and Northern Germany, there were groups of Sumerians and Egyptians.
 Hence the trade amber against bronze made this borderland rich and a center of might - and led to the emergence of the Ger­ma­nic languages.
 With the upcoming of iron this might fell, leading to a first wave of emigration. This made this once powerful region for the time being peripheral a region.
 At the start this House of Seddin, together with their entourage, kept the name Brieger. With their growing power a new name came into use, distinguishable from the British, the tin people of the north, and the Brieger of the south. This name German ics is of megalithic origin as well. That the name Prignitz also can be derived from Brieger contributed to its survi­val.
 This emigration led to a wavelike Germanistion of the surrounding territories, from Scandinavia to the Thü­rin­ger Wald and in the west to river Rhine, where the upcoming power of the Roman Empire led to a delay by four centuries. So Ro­man his­to­rians, probably from reports of traders and voyagers, passed on that the name Ger­ma­nics is a new one.
 The British Isles were captured only after the fall of the Roman Empire, and to the east the populous Baltic tribes bor­de­red the expansion.
Geographically the main waterway north-south leads upstream river Peene via Demmin in the middle of its northern third to the watershed at Klocksin, where there are only 5 km to bridge overland. The following cataract of small lakes opens into the Müritz at Jabel, the name of which also is Semitic.
 There the route branches out: Directly to the south we arrive at the Kleine Müritz and lake Nebel(see), wherefrom one has to master an overland passage to Flecken Zechlin in the headwater of river Rhin. For sure this eastern variant was un­eco­no­mi­cal, hence second choice or even less. The main route, however, turns to the west near Jabel into lake Fleesensee and ends the se­cond half at the village Twietfort on the southern tip of lake Plauer Sees. From there a hollow way starts the second over­land pas­sage, thereafter travering a heathland to river Stepenitz. Downstream this river opens into river Elbe, starting the last third.
This main variant encountered three archeological interesting settlements – south to north
  • the Ahrensberg ( no excavations yet ), a mountain overseeing the overland route from Twietfort to Stpenitz across the heath­land,
  • the city in the floodplain forest on the western bank of lake Flacher See (unsought),
  • the huge site two miles westwestnorth of the landing in Klocksin (unsought) - on the highest top
     of the watershed, which oversees the passage from the Müritz into the basin of river Peene.
Due to numerous place names along this route to be understood from Semitic we date these sites into the era of the me­ga­lith-cul­ture, i.e. in the time span between 4200 and 1800 bChr, the city in the floodplain forest being overbuilt in early Mid­dle Age.
a channel through
the
watershed
?
cows
sheep
hardwheat
apples
on bord
?

this dervation
of the names
Klocksin and Stuer
are a triumph
for the
Davis-Pokorny-Vennemann-
theory
of a
megalithic wandering
by ship
around Western Europe



loose ends of
Wagnerian
dimension:

(Lang) hagen (see)
Nebel (see)
Troja
Rhin

and

an unclear dating
of the
Sigurd and Nibelungen
sagas
and the
twilight of the gods
The Land
between the
Five Lakes
 is horseshoelike open to the south. It is the today so-called  Land Between the 5 Lakes  Müritz, Kölpin-, Fleesen-, Pe­ters­dor­fer and Krako­wer See. Certainly it plays s strategic role in defending the main waterway from the Baltic across the wa­ter­shed in­to the val­ley of river El­be. Attacks from here could have destroyed the Mecklenburg Empire of the megalithc Vanir, thus mak­ing the la­ter riches of the prince of Seddin - and hence the Germanic language in the first place - im­pos­sible. Here there are place names of military-strategic nature to expect, perhaps only later made sounding Slavic.
Indeed it is surrounded by barrages. Four fifth of these are natural - i.e. lakes - but against the south this amounts to a fur­ther ter­rific construction work of the Megalithicians of the north.
Commencing in the bay at Sietow there is a glacial threshold of steep slopes, lakes, moors and wetlands till the village of Dar­ze, which 6000 years ago must have been even wetter and more impenetrable than today.
 
LocationSemitic / ArabicTranslationComment table 5 lakes ⚓
☟  ☟☟   
(Groß) Kellekul lall(es)almost a doubling☎ [ Kullen ]
is situated north of this threshold such that there must have been a log causeway pas­sing the moor and the two inselbergs, unvisible for strangers. With the help of which ral­lies out to the south were possible. At an eastern narrow, presumably close to the mo­dern windmill, there could have been a further defense site or guardian troop.
 South of lake Gliensee in this swampy threshold there is a megalithic tomb on top of an ele­vation, previously visible from afar. With a stone cover and sculls on posts this must have been an im­pressing deterrence against attacks from the south. To the north of the lake there is a so-cal­led Schälchestein, which may have served the hor­rid pro­duc­tion of these sculls.

  After some 20 kilometers this belt of swamps ends in the lowland of river Elde, today drain­ed, to the south of
[Internetübersetzung]
Darzedarzstitchingthe weld of this ,Limes'☎ [ Darß ]
( this place name exists more often, for instance to the west ). Nearby the place na­me  Knüp­pel­damm ≡ log causeway  only makes sense, if that area then was more densely po­pu­la­ted than to­day.

 Close to the central point of this  Land Between the 5 Lakes  is
Wal (+owwal i yyguardianin the backyard of this ,Limes'☎ [ Wollin ]
a likely place where to site the guardian troop. We cannot put an, at times even per­ma­nent, troop past the Megalithicians of the north.
 South of this point of crest there only is one lonely megalithic tomb - far to the south north of Wre­den­hagen. This one is completly surrounded by swamps and can be ar­ri­ved at only from the north. Hence it must have been an outpost in unfriendly ter­ritory.

North of Walow
Roezra ˁ i i sleadereven more in the backyard[ B&H p 320 ]
is the presumptive headquarter of the military leadership of the megalithic Vanir from Mal­chow.

Directly behind the presumptive battlefield at this defense rampart the village
Rogeezrak k i zconcentratingnear this ,Limes'[B&H p 350]
is a candidate for the concentration of troups and reserves.

In between the village
Minzowmunâs i bconnectionalso  manâs ≡ retreat[ Stg p 1062 ]
is placed on the connecting line between Groß Kelle and Rogeez.

Contrary to this has the village - compare the view from the sea to that one on­to Somerset and on­to the Samland -
Sembzinsam(ā)ūw + baat i i nhigh + groves t → t s[ Whr p 600 ],
[ WBS p 34 ]
on the western bank of the Müritz no strategical but only a (convincing) geographi­cal bea­ring, be­cause the megalithic tomb and the presumably adjacent megalithic set­tle­ment are si­tu­ated exact­ly here at the southern end of the high section of the bank of the Mü­ritz.
 North of the western part of the Limfjord we also find the village Semb, the name of which may be connected to a shifting sand dune. This in turn matches the name of the town Hvidb­jerg, si­tu­ated only one km from Semb - i.e. the same name in two different lan­guages at the same place ❗
☝  
Given that this land between the five lakes was crucial for defending the main north-south trading route via Klock­sin, Mal­chow and Seddin, there must be Semit(di)ic derivations of most pre-German place names. Hence there remains to un­der­stand this way Leizen at the line of defense and in the hinterland Lexow.
This blockade, together with Walow, Groß Kelle and Darze integrates into the geostrategic picture perfectly, however, does not completely close the horseshoe of the land between the five lakes, which is open to the south. Being seafarer the me­ga­li­thic Vanir also took advantage of the inland waterways, thus withstanding Indo-European assaults from the south. In Darze - and actually only there - pressure from the early urnfield people could become dangerous to the central soft spot of the Peene-Ste­pe­nitz-Elbe waterway - Malchow. Whence we have to expect an artificial blockade exactly from Stu­er to Dar­ze:
Exactly here there is another Schwedenschanze so called on local tabloids and maps of trails. For being a Landwehr it is far too la­borious. It runs from the lowland at river Elde south of the village Darze towards Stuer and abruptly ends at a ground wave, pa­rallel to the modern overland road with a length of 4 km.
 At the most vulnerable spot the fortification consists of four parallel walls, which carried at least a base of stones. On the nor­thern side there are two circular areas, the stones of which obviously are remains - perhaps ruins - of fortified com­pounds. There are no masoned walls anywhere here. Therefore this site is far too laborious to be built in the hi­sto­ri­cal era. Several oak trees on the walls likely were planted more than 500 years ago.
 This region was (relatively) densely populated only during the megalithic era, When iron substituted bronze there were at least three waves of emigration.
 The site has nothing to do with Swedes, who may have been there at most during the Swedish wars - and also nothing with the 15th century, when the area was populated only thinly.
North of the gap by nowadays overland road from Darze to Altenhof there is a chain of four megalithic grave mounds, per­pen­dicular to this fortification. No coincidence but psychological warefare against smaller groups of attackers - if these mounds are flagged with human skulls. Conquering this line they are forced to march along the wall - a clavicula posiiion in which the right shoulder is exposed to the defenders. At the end of the fortification they find the defenders in an eleva­ted po­si­tion, and behind the ground wave the archers remained invisible to the raiders. To the west of the ground wave the defen­sive fortification con­ti­nues till Stuer, where it might have reached the lake south of todays moated castle.
 A branch to the north commences at the large castle and leads in a stretched curve to this moated castle in the lake, but being less la­boriously constructed than the main part of this blockade. This large scale strategic situa­tion is similar to that one of the  battle of the bulge  of the second world war.
In front of this ground wave there might have taken place a battle, in which the Megalithicians of the north - the Va­nir - suc­cess­ful­ly fought off the Indo-Europeans of the south - the Asir. At least this success of the local defenders is mirrored in the world of Germanic sagas. There is a tale of several battles, which may have taken place down to the Gnit­ter­berg, 25 km to the south. This elevation then may have been the hillock of the commander of the attackers, since it is protected to the north by steeps.
There is a striking cluster of megalithic tombs along this artifical blockade - even more so most of the stones fell victim to la­ter con­struction of houses, roads and here also of a railway line. Nevertheless we ask whether these are the tombs of me­ga­li­thic leaders killed in action on this battlefield.
Every cleverly devised if any barricade finally will be overrun by permanent pressure of scores of attackers. Except if di­plo­ma­cy can prevent this. Exactly this didn't happen at river Elbe but succeeded at river Stepenitz. In the Prignitz the Me­ga­li­thi­cians of the north were able to establish a borderland under the rule of a powerful dynasty of Indo-Euro­peans of the urn­field-culture - which led to a merging of the two peoples and to the genesis of the Germanic language.
securing
the main
megalithic trading route
in
Mecklenburg
and
Pomerania





by





well-thought-out
defencesive fortifications





and a





battle of the bulge
Ragnarök
River Stepenitz
− the
Centerpiece
of the
Tin Route
 The principal center of this, during the Bronze Age dense population, mixed out of *Vasconic, megali­thic ( from Scan­di­na­via ) and Indo-European ( of the northern urnfield-culture ) and still bell beaker people, should have been located since the first Indo-European immigration to the time of the prince of Seddin not far of his tumulus. The actual ex­ca­va­tors as­sume it west of river Stepenitz, or di­rectly at the outlet of river Döm­nitz into river Ste­pe­nitz [ M&H ], or
3 km further to the east in the forest south of a horseshoe bend of river Dömnitz,
which mistakenly is called  Schwedenschanze ≡ Swedish entrenchment [ MH11 ]: Some 8 km west of the town of Pritz­walk on the sou­thern bank of river Dömnitz, which up to here still is navigable for scows, there is an oval ring wall, the dia­me­ters of which are a little less than 200 and 170 m. Between river Döm­nitz and an old alley east of the hamlet Horst, which ends in a forest track, this a little uneven site lies in a sinuosity of this small river - south of the modern biogas plant on the nor­thern bank - such that the river gives protection from two sides. In addition the bluff is enhanced by a wall with two gates. On the opposite side there only is one gate, which proves the importance of the riverside. The sou­thern gate to river Döm­nitz is a wrong Cla­vi­cu­la gate, which hints a lack of security need in this direction. The wall which protects the site to the southern open country is of double height, with a filled in (?) trench in front of. A little more than 100 m from there there is an­other wall which cuts off in an arc the river bank, with another gate. But the flat area to the east also is protected by trenches, where probably the ordinary po­pu­lation had their homes. In front of the main gate there is a 1.50 m square well, whose sides are made of stones - a filled in deep-well groundwa­ter re­charge ?
The area of the main site roughly is three hectare, the area inside the walls is somewhat larger [MH11]. Together with the glacis in front and the whole area protected from high tides south of the forest track, the area is more than ten hec­tare.
 Its name ? We assume that it was - Mecklenburg: Since the Schwedenschanze, being the center of a borderland, is si­tu­ated at the southern border of the megalith-culture, and this name reflects a place rather than an area. The ad­mi­ni­strative change to Brandenburg from Mecklenburg occured much later in the historic era, like in the Slavic era that one of Po­me­ra­nia. Only then it became the name of the whole megalithic area south of the Baltic. The Viking name of By­zan­tium Mikla­gard also refers to its si­tuation  ma+q i bly ≡ far in the south.
On a prong downstream river Dömnitz there is a small pile of erratic boulders, protected by a nearly totally filled in trench - more like­ly a sentinel than a megalithic tomb. 50 m to the east of this town there is an astonishing cone, 5 m high, looking like a small copy of the tomb of the prince of Seddin. However, it is too well preserved to be such old.
South of the forest track there also are walls and trenches. These places are naturally protected too since here the river Döm­nitz splits into three creeks. Since the drainage area of this river is relatively large the danger of high tides is con­si­der­ab­ly eased. Whence - did here prehistoric water architects dig long trenches? An obviously artificial trench with at least two throngs from the river protects the southern edge of the wood, the digging of which being used for an, in sections high dyke. Even a once a century high tide would have no chance to flood this area in the woods. Together with the wet mea­dows in front there possibly was a huge water expense, protecting the whole dwelling area.
 At the eastern tip of this dyke there is an outlet between two erratic boulders, visibly a gate, leading to a road to the east, which still can be followed through the mea­dows and the following forest. At the end of which this road passes by two stone sites, likely a large and a small house, the arrangement of which indicates a road junction towards the south, i.e. to­wards Kuhs­dorf. This part of the road, however, only is short because this part is distorted by still exist­ing de-wa­terings.
 Dyke and trench are maintained of late. Since such an effort hardly suits for the protection of a simple forest and high tides are directed towards the villages Kuhbier and Horst, there also must have been dwellings south of the forest track. Two he­mi­circle trenches on the inner bank of the southern channel should have protected two houses.
The mightiness of this fortified site corresponds to that one of tomb of the prince of Seddin on the western bank of ri­ver Ste­penitz, the trisection to the quartering of the graves on the dune, 2 km to the west of the Teufelsberg. It con­si­der­ab­ly surpasses that ones of two similar contemporary sites: the eastern one at the Pagelsee south of the spring of ri­ver Ha­vel, the western one located on the peninsula in the Neu pritz er See ( another Schwedenschanze, erring name, but the lake's name a further re­flec­tion of the name of the megalithic people ) - both roughly 55 km as the crow flies apart, one north­north­west­wards, the other north­east­wards ( in an equilateral triangle - but there may be more ring walls ). There­fore this like­ly has been a re­sidency of the prince of Seddin, hence everything being dated into the 9th millenium bChr.
To the west of this ring wall, up to the outlet of river Kümmernitz, there are more sites - besides the excavated ones around the tomb of the prince of Seddin on the western bank of river Stepenitz - located on its eastern bank:
  • 1.5 km east of the Teufelsberg and 1 km southwest of the big ring wall Schwedenschanze there is a water castle in a flood­plain forest. In the south it is protected by a small lake, in the west and north by wo deep trenches, and on the fourth side by a wall arrangement with big erratic blocks still in situ. Smaller stones probably were used in Horst for con­struc­tion purposes.
  • Possibly this water castle has been center of a much larger but later settlement, still to be seen in the fields. In the west it is defined by a still in use de-watering trench, continued along southwards of the field path from the wa­ter cast­le by a trench filled up by herbs, ending in a small forest. To the east it is defined only by the dif­fe­rence in altitude be­tween two fields, hence probably a trench, fulfilled by later day's agriculture. In the forest east of the field path from Horst it still exists and is deeply cut in, but still de-watering underneath. Following the bend to the north it continues vi­sib­ly to river Dömnitz, the arc of which being the northern border of this settlement. Perhaps even the square, defined by river Küm­mer­nitz, a northern tributary of river Döm­nitz, was a quarter of this settle­ment.
  • On the northern bank of river Dömnitz there is a deep 25 times 20 m rectangle so full of reed, that it is spared of to­day's ag­ri­culture. It is too broad to be a de-waterinng trench - it is an inner har­bor. Even today the water-level of river Dömn­itz suf­fices for scows.
  • Halfway between Teufelsberg and Schwedenschanze, at the eastern end of today's forest, there is a triangular en­trench­ment, and there is a second one in the isolated piece of forest 700 m to the east. Southwards they are marked by partly still existing stone walls out of erratic blocks and smaller pebble stones, to the west by filled in dit­ches in the forest and to the north by partly filled in, but still visible trenches connecting to river Dömnitz. In the fo­rest to the west there is a V-shaped trench, too well preserved to be such old. For sure it did not serve de-wa­te­ring, since it con­nects two elevations, the northern one of which steeply above river Dömnitz with a descent to the river - probably a landing. A similar, circular landing can be found on the river Stepenitz halfway between Wolfs­ha­gen and Tel­schow - on its eastern bank with the soil so hardened that there is no more vegetation.
     There are no more sites in the whole area on the southern bank of the river, even opposite the small inner harbor. Those stones at the southern edge of the forest north of the water castle look like rubblestones.
     The whole area being settled during the era of the prince Hinz of Seddin, its huge size corresponding to that one of Cel­tic Manching on river Donau. The name of the settlement around the Schwedenschanze should have been Kubra, that one of the whole borderland ma+q i b ly which in German tongue became Kuhbier and Mecklenburg resp. .
  • At the outlet of river Dömnitz into river Stepenitz the northern steep bank is moored by a stone setting. Since a path does not make sense in this direction, the adjacent field in the north may have been that settlement, which the ar­cheo­lo­gists are looking for. However, from here to the Müh­len­berg in the northern forest there are no traces of a settlement. In con­trast there is on the eastern side, halfway between Ste­pen­itz and Küm­mern­itz, in a small forest south of Hel­le a partly pre­served stone wall, certainly no megalithic tomb or rubblestones, with deep ponds in the north, i.e. a protection for the whole square, defined on three sides by the creeks.
  • The Weiße Berg, i.e. the White Mountain, northeastwards of Perleberg is 80 m high, steeply falling off on all sides. There are no walls on top, but its huge plain on the top excludes natural causes. Like at the Schweden­schan­ze one rec­kog­nises gate sites, leading down to river Dömnitz resp. river Ste­pe­nitz. Whereas the Schwedenschanze over­sees boat traf­fic, this mountain oversees a road across the end of the Krohnsberge moraine. Without ex­ca­va­tions, there much less cost­ly than at the Schwedenschanze, it is difficult to date. Since there are no brick-built walls, for sure it is Pre-German.
We locate this western variant of the amber road from the Alps to the Baltic, resp. a tin road from the Erzgebirge to Scan­di­navia, exactly here, i.e. via rivers Elbe, Stepenitz and Peene, with a dense population at the tomb of Seddin, to to­day's cloi­ster / convent Marienfließ. East thereof the trickle Stepenitz no longer is navigable. At the convent, in the mid­dle of a flood­plain fo­rest we assume the pond to have been a little harbor for going ashore. Compare the ponds of the Fossa Ca­ro­lina, these, how­ever, much later, at Hö­bing ( the name reflects the function, which we also know at river Lip­pe ) in the Fran­co­nian county (Land­kreis) of Roth [ Lie p 329 ]. Upstream from Tel­schow the river Ste­pe­nitz no longer is na­vi­gable, even not with scows.
 However, possibly the whole floodplain forest ahead of the outlet of river Stepenitz from the hill land into the flood­plain of river Elbe has been a long trough lake of the kind of the 30 km northwards lake Kritzow or at least a ca­ta­ract of smaller lakes. This may have included the area at the outlets of rivers Kümmernitz and Dömnitz and their valleys, to­day with plen­ty of reed, and the valley of river Stepenitz upstream till the cloister. This extended trough lake then was na­vi­gable with scows. In addition there is a straight and dry road from Tel­schow to the village Stepenitz, which shor­tens the water way, say from the last barrier of stones in the river ( how many? up to the first one the river was navigable up to some years ago ) or from the circular treeless place on the high river bank south of today's con­crete bridge in the floodplain forest, halfway be­tween Telschow and Ste­pe­nitz. This amounts to a narrow passage south of the outlet of ri­ver Döm­nitz, a wicket, com­pa­rable to that which is described in [ MH11 ] at the outlet of river Ste­pe­nitz from the hill land in­to the valley of river Elbe, and even comparable to that one at Granzin south of the source of river Havel.
 The city museum of Perleberg exhibits a logboat of more than 3 m length from the 16th century. Even if it originates in the modern age, it proves that such boats, still existing in prehistoric times, were able to carry huge loads. [MH11] maps more find spots.
The time scale then is as follows: In a first step after the Indo-Éuropean arrival north-south trade at this inter­face of the Scan­di­navian-Mecklenburgian megalith culture, the northern bronze time culture, and the Indo-European urnfield-cul­ture cre­ated an ag­glo­meration of power. This culminated after and because of the emigration of large parts of the urn­field-cul­ture at (1250) bChr in all directions, leading to the prince of Sed­din. Then here the Germanic language came in­to be­ing as an urn­field creo­li­sa­tion un­der a megalithic superstrat. Trade in all directions led to an expansion in all di­rec­tions, especially the Scan­di­na­vian me­ga­lith-cul­ture and the Börden around the Harz mountains. i.e. one center of the urnfield-culture, at the same time. When the north-south traffic declined because of the transition from bron­ze to iron, terminating the ag­glo­me­ra­tion of power at this river, fertile floodplain meadows for livestock farming became more important. The barrage at the out­let of the trough lake into river Ste­pe­nitz, in [MH11] called Pforte, could be re­moved with­out much effort, and this trough lake also fell dry. The sea ground be­came to­day's floodplain forests and - meadows. The places with reed today of­fer the best chan­ces for archeologi­cal dis­co­ver­ies, for in­stance out of data­ble wood.
With the exit of the early Germanics centuries later, this time the Skirii, towards the Black Sea and the final wast­ing of the tra­ding routes, some 200 years after, a need for downsizing came into being. Inside this large settlement only the ter­ra­ces on river Dömnitz remained in use, protected by today no longer visible walls and still visible trenches. With the re­newed de­po­pu­la­tion by the Germanic invasions into the falling Roman empire, this time Lombardians, Sem­nonics and War­nians, there only re­main­ed the central water castle. Whether it was used in the Slavic era re­mains open. In the Ger­man era it pro­bab­ly was trans­fer­red to Wolfs­ha­gen.
If the British-Scandinavian megalith culture, together with its language, swang southwards till the Prignitz, and there be­came do­minant, there must be place names to reflect this:
  • Pritz+walk, some 10 km to the east, which name also can be found near Greifswald and on the island of Rü­gen [ Gra p 22 ], is megali­thic / Se­mit(id)ic from  pretan ≡ t i n, like in Britain [ Ven p 733 ], and  p+l+g ≡ divide ⭯ folk [Ven p 665], hence mea­ning the  t i n fo l k s. Has Pritzwalk been a staple market for tin and amber, somewhat off the main tra­ding route? In­stead of an unconvincing Slavic wolf, invented much later by folk-etymology. Or possibly this name moved from the Schwe­den­schanze eastwards, when the trade terminated at the upcoming iron age, when tin from the Erz­ge­bir­ge no lon­ger was needed?
  • Vogel [ Vog ] tries many Slavic etymologies, but Graf [Gra] discards most of which.
     Deriving Kümmernitz is easy on the first sight, since Slavic midges can be felt painfully there, also above all since at the upper river behind Jakobsdorf there is a Mücken+busch, meaning midge+bush [Vog  35]. From this one con­cludes that in the Sla­vic era the whole area has become wet lands and forest and the inhabitants only used the ring wall if at all. But exactly this is the drawback of this ety­mo­lo­gy: Up to the era of the prince of Sed­din this area was dense­ly po­pu­la­ted with pre­su­mab­ly a lake at the outlet of this creek, i.e. there were no more mid­ges as any­where else. Above all the creek Küm­mer­nitz dis­charges into the river Dömnitz behind a 90° bend. Brun­ner has a com­mon Semitic-Indo-European word [ Bru 154. ], Latin  camur ≡ curved  corresponding to Ak­ka­dian  kamâsu ≡ to bend  and He­brew  kafaf  with the same trans­la­tion. Hen­ce Müc­ken­was­ser becomes an early folk-ety­mo­lo­gy.
     For the etymology of Dömnitz one has to notice that beautiful is not appropiate for a river, which has be tamed by com­plex water construction and artificial laterals. The derivation from Oldpolabian oaks is more convincing, at least demon­stra­ting once more that in the Slavic era the forest has taken back the ring wall. The first written record of 1358 Dove­n+itz al­so al­lows for a Ger­manic / German derivation, since it also occurs north of Hamburg in a non-Slavic area. Since all this does not con­vince we try Sumerian, this fitting exactly into this neighborhood.
     And then there are the trickles Sude, Zieskenbach, Kemnitz ( sounds Sla­vic ) and Els+baek [ Gra p 48 ], two of which clear­ly Ger­man.
  • The etymology of Stepenitz is doubtfull also. First of all this village name occurs at the upper end of this river in­stead near Per­le­berg or even at its outlet. This votes for the people to invent this name coming from the north which in turn votes for a megalithic name, this being a main trading route [ MH11 ], the urnfield people coming from the south. So a Se­mi­ti(di)c name is more likely than an Indo-European one, the most unlikely one being a Sla­vic name - re­fer­ring to bran­ches, twigs, pieces of wood, which might have been transported by floods or rafts - but also at the head wa­ter near the vil­lage Ste­pe­nitz ?

    • Graf [ Gra p 42 ] lists three more derivations, for instance from Oldpolabic stairs, which would fit if the river Ste­pe­nitz would have been a ca­ta­ract of small artificial ponds. However, this must be proved by ex­ca­va­tions.
    • Contrary to Graf the derivation from common Indo-European ( also Basque, but also Se­mi­tic ?) steppe is more like­ly - if one assumes a long-distance trading route across the dry land­scape to lake Plau, the sou­th­ern end of which we lo­cate in the village Stepenitz.
    • As common Semitic-Indo-European solution Brunner [ 902. ] offers *teib from He­brew path, way ( steif ≡ stiff ). In Greek this still has the meaning to tread down, to tres­pass. This fits exactly to this location, and the diffi­cul­ty with ini­tial s is solved by assuming that an initially Semitic word became Indo-European and after remain­ed stab­le over all chan­ges of the population.
     These possible etymologies for Stepenitz are ordered according to rising probability.
    • Brunner [423.] ( also compare [424.] ) has the additional variant *teb without diph­tong ( German stapfen ), Uga­ri­thic path.
      Remark: Brunner's following example [425.] hits Vennemann's [ Ven p 490 ] derivation of the river name Tham­es.
     Remark: Thus this river name is *Vasconised and Stepenitz is Slavic-made Semit(id)ic.

  • Pritz+ word particles cluster in the place names of the Prignitz. In Pritz+ir the traffic situation is unclear, especial­ly con­cer­ning trading tin for amber, but a fortiori in Pritz+erbe [ Qaf p 420 ] it is clearer: Still today there is a doub­le cross­ing with a ring wall, on the one hand in north-south direction across the narrowness between modern lake Havel and river Ha­vel, per­haps ori­gi­nal­ly a long causeway, on the other hand in eastwest direction crossing the lower Havel, this be­ing here al­rea­dy broad and still today a ferry.
     Brunner has German Ufer as common Semitic-Indo-European [ Bru 342. ] - but if this would be meant, this place name would have developped to nowadays Ufer instead. [Bru 338.] again here has a more special meaning: Aramaeic  aba­ra ≡ to wade, to swim  fits in here exactly, as do Akkadian  ebêru ≡ the op­po­site shore and Ara­bic  ˁubūr ≡ to wade  [ Whr p 808 ].
     It is clear that here has been an emporium ( for tin ) at a fording, which still can be seen between the build­ings. How­ever, for this we have to assume that the German tin resources, say in the Erzgebirge, then al­ready were known and were ex­ploited, and were easier to handle than those of Corn­wall. For sure this was the case during the cold season.
     Semitic +erbe also is a Sumerian loanword  bal.ri ≡ opposite shore  [ Ppl 1 p 32 ] wherefrom Hungarian to the left re­sults.
  • Even more striking is the place name Kuhbier, besides Horst a village nearest to the ring wall on the way east to Pritz­walk: Arabic  kubra ≡ storage (yard), freeport  as a place name also occurs in the delta of the Nile in Egypt ! This fits exact­ly to the traffic situation, decribed in [ MH11] and the resulting richness of that area and of Hinz, the prince of Seddin.
  • Kuhs+dorf should have been the central sacred site of this area during meagalithic times and perhaps even to the Sla­vic era. To be seen from far it may have been located on the flat elevation south to today's church amidst fields in use. There was a built in passage tomb some 100 m to the south. It contains no rubblestones, which still litter the sur­roun­ding fields. Here there is a free view to the ring wall in the north, to the tomb cone of the prince of Seddin in the west, to the tomb hills in the forest above Bullendorf in the east and in the south to the Krohnsberge range, 2 km from there. Clear­ly this sacred site also may have been located below today's church or any place up to the as­cen­ding slope in the south. There is a an­other Kuhs+torf north of Pritzier.
     Kuhs+ ⭮ Kurdes+ in the first written record [ Vog p 35 ] can have been a pious malapropism of a monkish scribe, who at the time of  s → r  did not tolerate a heathen issue ( and invented  Hinz and Kunz  thereby ). Since there were priest­es­ses as­so­cia­ted to this sacred site, and me­ga­li­thic priestesses behaved totally unchristianly [ Ven ], he con­ver­sed this issue and trans­la­ted the word  rein ≡ unadulterated  into Greek by naming the hill under this sacred site So­phi­en+berg [ Gra p 56 ] after the chris­tian saint of goodness. This name, however, no longer is known locally. Al­so  r  is not as­ser­ted in this villages name.
  • Thise altogether hence also gives the possibility to understand the name Sedd+in, sometimes written with ini­tial Z in­stead [ Seg p 101 ], Semit(id)ically: Arabic  +sed ≡ righteous  makes it to look like the place of a whole dy­nas­ty, He­brew Sad­du­cee also fits herein. As always we doubt a derivation from the personal name,here Zadok - as­su­ming the converse direction of derivation. Note that there was a procession street excavated besides the tomb. The second par­tic­le +in of this name not on­ly is Slavic but also Semitic. An etymology like that of the village south of Ber­lin from Slavic fluid does not fit here be­cause Sed­din is situated 1 km west of river Stepenitz on a dry elevation. Se­mi­tic  sanhedrin ≡ assembly  is a possible ety­mo­lo­gy too - and even is to be preferred, if fur­ther ex­ca­vations at the tomb, say at one end of this pro­ces­sion street, would prove that.
  • Bull+en+dorf at the first sight sounds like coming with the first German settlers in the early Middle Ages. However, this hilly area of deep forests is not suited for cattle breeding at all. Hence this naming is unlikely. Above all, the ex­ca­vations at the Teufelsberg showed the coexistence of four different grave rituals, meaning a survival of four dif­fe­rent population groups. Since above this village there are two tomb cones it makes sense to pull up *Vas­co­nic  bolo ≡ cone, like in Sou­thern Germany. Assuming that these two tomb cones were built around 1000 bChr, one concludes that even 1000 years af­ter the arrival of the Indo-Europeans in Europe still a *Vasconic population existed, differing from the other three po­pu­la­tion groups and still speaking their old language. This then would also explain the *Vas­co­nic name of the Ah­rens­berg, half­way between the village Stepenitz and lake Plau.
     However, a megalithic derivation also is possible, assuming a sacred site of the god Baal above Bullendorf. This la­ter at the era of the prince of Seddin led to the large tomb cone and a smaller one, comparable to that one east of the Schwe­den­schan­ze.
  • Lugg+en+dorf to the west, still today hidden deeply in the forest, has a nice derivation from Arabic  luğū' ≡ safe ha­ven ( in a country ) [Whr p 1143], if the pressure of the invading Indo-Europeans of the urnield culture from the south would have led to a withdrawal to the flat land north of the Krohnsberge hills - until they finally set up a mi­li­tary bor­der­land, with which they feoffed a dynamic Indo-European leader from the south.
In order to justify this  pure  we assume that the proper name of the megalith culture or at least that one of their lea­ding class has been  the pure, holy ones ≡ al quds  - compare with the city name  al-Quds, hence Jerusalem in Arabic [ Whr p 1006 ]. Al­so Indo-European  *kuhen  has the meaning  to celebrate, hallow  [ Bru 703. ], and in Semitic  priest, mystery, to fore­bode. Be­sides Kuhs dorf and Sophien berg there is a third argument for this proper name. Some (600) years after the prince of Sed­din the  Skirii  become the first Germanic tribe to be recorded in history. They leave their homes and mi­grate to­ge­ther with the Bastarnae towards the Black Sea. Usually the Skirii are supposed to be  the pure ones, the Ba­star­nae to be  the mixed ones.
 Following Brunner, there is a summarising diagram of three place names without common Semitic-Indo-European
mmmmmmmmdiagram Kuhbier
  (al-) Quds ≡ (the) pure / holy ones (al-) Kubra ≡ (the) freeport
Kuhs+dorfKuhbier
 
  pretan+p∧l∧h ≡ tin+peoplepretan+erbe ≡ tin+cross over
Pritz+walkPritz+erbe☎ deutsch
 
and only one with such an etymology, Kuhsdorf ( the double arrow denotes a semantic plus a morphologic derivation ).
North of the field path from Bullendorf to Giesendorf there are a walled site and water trenches, and north of the iso­la­ted quarr­y a circular trench - perhaps around a no longer existing water castle. The near piece of wood to the north al­so is pro­tec­ted by a deep trench. It continues in northern direction as a - in the beginning broad - stone wall, which seems to be a wall to shield a whole area to the east, less being a street. Rising slightly it continues straight to the north, af­ter­wards to north­north­east up to a modern aisle by railway tracks and a recent road. Its eastern branch continues up to the ham­let Schön­ha­gen­er Müh­le on river Dömnitz. Its length is 5 to 7 km - view Google Maps.
Astonishing - this wall is one of the largest prehistoric construction sites in Northern Germany
Next to the north there is a funnel, the walls of which consist of rubblestones - a cisterne? 50 m further north two stone piles and two giant - obviously at the same day planted - oak trees mark a 10 m broad gate. This gate points to the high­est spot of the Sophienberg exactly to the west, where we therefore assume this sacred site. To the east a hedge bank comes straigt down from an elevation, which is totally different from this big wall. Its stones are rub­ble­stones from the ad­ja­cent fields - probably from later times. It looks like an ancient hollow way being in use a long time. But it hits the big wall only some 10 m to the north of the gate. So it must not be contemporary or this being some kind of strategy? The difference of this hedge bank and the big wall supports its interpretation as a hollow way to the sacred site, and that one of the big wall as a for­ti­fi­cation.
 Further to the north the trench mostly runs east of the big wall, i.e. it protects against the east. Here and there it even is di­vi­ded in two parts, with a path in between. North of the road between Giesen- nach Kuhsdorf it rises slightly to­wards the high­est spot, after bending to northnortheast - probably to include two older megalith-tombs. Be­cause of the flat cap­sto­nes the big­ger one clearly is a grave. At least at two locations the stones still are grouted, meaning the stones are not rub­ble­stones.
 Further to the north the big wall bifurcates, the western - presumably the older - part soon ending at river Dömnitz. North of the old road from Kuhbier to Pritzwalk the eastern branch of the big wall again rises. Here it is in­ter­rup­ted since its stones were used to plaster the adjacent old road to the Schönhagener Mühle. That is why a third gate may have been an­ni­hi­lated. The sheer length of this big wall asks for such a third gate. At one point there is a giant conelike rubble­stone in­cluded, three sides of which clearly are flattened ar­ti­fi­cially.
 Clearly this big wall is a backstop, especially of the ring wall Schwedenschanze, but also has a peculiarity, only known from the much later Romans. It is situated in open fields, which even rise slightly to the east, meaning that it does not use ad­van­tages of the ground. Those are shown in the form of sudden break-offs in the maps of May and Haupt­mann [MH11]. Whence it is targeted offensively urging attackers to line up unhindered in front of this wall. The terrain is break­ing off on­ly further to the east, forming an obstacle in the back of attackers. Bad luck for those if they ac­tu­al­ly were using this open ter­rain. This strategy, which the Romans enforced by setting up rectangular forts, is an­other in­di­ca­tion for the as­sumption that Ve­ne­tians and Ita­lics were migrating over the Alps from the eastern and western borders of the urnfield-culture [ Sch ].
 The analysis is easy. Together with river Dömnitz to the north, river Stepenitz in the west and the Krohns­ber­ge range in the south, en end moraine from river Stepenitz south of Lübz­ow via the Weis­sen Berg till close to Pritzwalk, this stone­wall with a length of more than 5 km length makes the enclosed area to a large-scale fortification with an - in this early era - huge con­cen­tra­tion of power. Since the volume of this big wall exceeds that one of the tomb of the prince of Seddin by multiple times, its logistic time and effort of this construction an be estimated. Mobs of lans­que­nets in the Middle Ages, Germans of the ear­ly east colonisation, western Slavs and even Germanics after tha emi­gra­tion of Bas­tar­nae and Skirii are unlikely to achieve some­thing like that. And whereto ? Walls make borders, the con­ver­se be­ing an ex­ception. Stone sites are re­pre­sen­ta­tive for the megalith-culture.
 This gives rise to relate this big wall to this culture - to protect the sacred site on the Sophienberg and the ring wall in the loop of river Dömnitz against the invading Indo-Europeans from the south. Whence these sites are con­tem­po­rary, where­as the tomb of Sed­din is dated (200) years later by the excavators [ MH11 ]. The locals won this fight, com­pare Rag­na­røk - the twi­light of the gods - perhaps even because of this big wall. However, this still has to be iden­ti­fied in the world of Ger­ma­nic sa­gas. Analogy: In the battle of Conerow at river Tollense the local defenders hold their ground too.
 Later the peoples got used to each other and mixed up. The declining megalith-culture accepted people from the nor­thern part of the urnfield-culture into this borderland, who contrary to their southern brothers did not parti­ci­pate in the se­cond In­do-European migration. Eventually they became populous enough to overtake the power. (200) years af­ter the prince of Sed­din a mixed people had come in­to being. During this melting process the northern dialect of the urn­field-cul­ture, which before al­ready did absorb a considerable larger amount of *Vasconic than its eastern, southern and we­stern parts, de­ve­lo­ped a creo­li­sa­tion of the Se­miti(di)c language of the megalith-culture, i.e. Proto-Germanic. In a first step the Bör­den around the Harz moun­tains were integrated, in a second one, presumably at the same time, all areas south of the Bal­tic, and only in a third step then all territories up to river Weser, and after till river Rhine. Then even Scandinavia was in­cluded.
The Prignitz has even more - stiking - possible Semit(id)ic-megalithic place names:
  • The hamlet Karthan on river Karthane, also called der Karthan, another Carthage, for instance, together with
  • the creek Ceder+bach, [ Blu Zeder ] Hebrew  q∧t∧r ≡ fumigate - cedarwood was used to fumigate. Somewhere around there must have been a smokehouse, like the still existing one at the Plattenburg. However, Platten burg it­self has the ex­cel­lent Slavic etymology point of payment [ Vog p 41 ].
  • This encourages to understand the village Mell+en from a Semit(id)ic point of view, i.e. to assume in the me­ga­li­thic tomb a king, Arabic  m∧l∧k ≡ king. Actually therein a final k is lacking, which would result in the name Melch +en in­stead. Al­ternatively Ara­bic  muhalla ≡ great  also is close, which could refer to the prince inside or the tomb itself. At any rate
    the Indo-Europeans at (3000) bChr did not yet, or at most only did arrive in small groups in central Europe, i.e. the me­ga­lithic people and the *Vasconic people, the giants and witches, must have been neighbors in central and We­st­ern Eu­rope. Given that it might have occured that a giant was buried like a megalithic leader, hence the local le­gend of the bu­rial of a giant being true.
  • To begin with Helle on the east and Hellburg on the west bank of river Stepenitz have a Germanic deriva­tion:
     They usually are backtraced to the Germanic goddess Hel of death- who is no Va­nir, but three quarters a gian­tess, be­ing expatriated after having rosed before - un­typically - to a goddess. Hence did people locate the en­tran­ce to the realm of the death exactly here, after the bronze trade came to an end, and the settle­ment lost its im­por­tance be­cause of the Ger­manics leaving to all directions. Later this area totally emptied when the remaining tribes ven­tured to­wards the Ro­man empire, like Asgard did to Rügen as Sagard ?
     In this context revealing is that the short form Hinz of Heinrich in German also is the figure  Gevatter Hein, mea­ning the death. Hence did there something happen which associates this place with something mystic ?
     However, thinking megalithic, hence much earlier: Arabic / Hebrew  kala+/ kele ≡ jail  has the Indo-European equi­va­lent  kel+ ≡ hide, conceal [ Blu Hoelle ].
     Has the deep trench south of Helle something to do with that? Hence with something awfull which later led the Ger­manics to locate the gate to hell here? Which was forgotten in the Slavic era because of the chan­ge in re­ligion !
  • For the place name Per l e+berg Brunner also has an entry [ 43. ] - our word flat, flach not only is relative to la­tin pla + nus but also to Akkadian  palku ≡ wide, broad, dispersed  [ P&W ] and to Hebrew  palas ≡ (to) flatten, equalize. Travelling from the north by boat along river Stepenitz downstream across this portal [ MH11 ] one arrives in a vast plain. The town is si­tu­ated right south of the end moraine in this plain on an island between two river arms. Whence it was a post on the long-dis­tance trading route between the center of Germany, say tin mining in the Saxonian-Bohemian Erz­ge­bir­ge and Scan­di­na­via. In additian this name should come from the language of the north. Both arguments fit bet­ter than a de­ri­vation from Sla­vic lime­huts [ Vog p 41 ] since at that time such huts were everywhere and hence did­n't fit for na­ming. The creek Perle then simply is  creek into the plain - compare Berlin.
  • Quitz+öbel in the valley of river Elbe also is Semit(id)ic. Its second silble is a variant of +erbe, the name hence mea­ning  tribes name + crossing, similar to Frank­furt. However, the numerous floods make it impossible to locate this cross­ing ar­cheologically. Usually +öbel is translated as +hövel ≡ +hill  badly since the latest flood has shown that there is no hill near­by.
  • Whence the name of the Qu i t z+ows, lest the Slavic suffix, is Semit(id)ic. They not only were (are) a family but al­so the me­galithic cleric nobility, being unable to survive the numerous changes of population and reli­gion per­fect­ly by siding with the new powers. There are sagas of nightly gatherings [ Opl p 63 ], i.e. conspiracies. The loss of po­wer took place stealthily - like that one of the empire of Kröv, i.e. the Kröver Reich - till they final­ly and im­per­ti­nent­ly were oust­ed in 1990. Their so-called robber-knighthood was nothing else but a fight against an on­go­ing loss of po­wer and creeping ou­st­er. They passed this fight down generations. Clearly after such many emigrations they all were mutually relatives of each other. Sym­ptomatically they were well off in Kuhsdorf [ Gra p 37 ], which pre­sum­ab­ly was their power center.
  • The typical Semitic dichotomy of clerical and secular gentry, for instance Phariseans and Sadduceans of the New Te­sta­ment, leads to a further secular one, the Ascanians, who came towards the Harz mountains with the southern expan­sion of the ear­ly Ger­manics. Their name hasn't been properly explained thus far. A derivation from a personal name princi­pal­ly isn't trust­worthy, the converse derivation being more likely. Se­mitic  š ∧ q ∧ l ≡ im­por­tant, grave, mea­ning powerful, looks like the title of a prince. The (secular) Ascanians were considerably more suc­cess­ful ­du­ring all po­pu­lation changes and the rise into the Germanic and finally German Reich nobility than the (clerical) Quitzows, as in the Svabian areas the * Vas­conic Ho­hen­zol­lern
    diagram Adel
    secularsecularsecular / clericalclericalclerical





    zol i tu ≡ peaked, spikyal-Kubrased ≡ rightous, lawfulal-Qudsdara i ≡ to know
    ZollernKuhbier (the ring wall)SeddinKuhs+dorf-Sophienberg  megalith culture  
    HohenzollernAscaniansSaduizin †Quitzowsdruids †
    |||||||||||||||
    (only name)the mightythe rightouathe purethe knowingones





    Reich nobilityReich nobilitynot surivingrobber-knightskilled off☎ German .
     
    Therefore we can assume, that also the Ascanians were descendants of the prince of Seddin,
    • ↓  who were the leaders of the expansion to the south into the - just emptied - central area of the urn­field-cul­ture, but long before the first recorded Ascanian prince, from whom usually this name is derived −
    simultanously
    •  ↑ Scandinavia became Germanic, like the Norman conquest of England after the battle of Hastings. Whe­th­er for­ce­fully by raids or peacefully remains open - like always for any assumption there are several alternatives −
    •  the route to the west led to the Jastorf-culture - given that this culture hasn't yet been that one of Sed­din [ Kei Abb 7 ] - and later to rivers Weser and Rhine, where only few early Italics were left behind to become the Weser-Rhine group of the Germanics −
    •  the route to the east ended at river Vistula, to the east of which Baltic tribes decelerated the expan­sion. Whe­ther and when the Skirii came into being, who after (200) bChr emigrated towards the Black Sea, re­mains open as well. Presumably they were part of from the beginning. The bronze cauldron of Herzberg is a hint for this ex­pan­sion. It comes from the same workshop as that one in the tomb of the prince of Sed­din. The hillfort on the ea­stern bank of lake Pagel may be interpreted as a gate, but also that one of Kratzeburg or that one south of Pie­vers­torf.
    All three resp. four expansions took place already with the new mixed language - Proto-Germanic. How fast such a lan­guage change can run off is known from the Nestor chronicle, the history of the Ruriks in Russia. This mo­del ex­plains Udolph's localisation of the Proto-Germanics in the fertile lowlands around the Harz mountains, the Bör­den, to­gether with Vennemann's concept of Proto-Germanic as an Indo-European creolisstion of the me­ga­li­tic-Se­mi­ti­(di)c su­per­strat.
  • Aschersleben therefore corresponds to Askalon in Palestine, summarised
    mmmmdiagram Askalon
    greatfreeportpure / holymighty
    ||||||||||||
    al-Muhallaal-Kubraal-QudsAskalon
    MellenKuhbierKuhs+dorfAscher+s+leben☎ German
     
    Aschersleben is a candidate for the center of the Germanics after their genesis and first expansion from Seddin, this be­ing an­nihilated by the invention of iron. In this diagram three times a special property is used for naming and on­ly once in Kuh­bier the special use of the place. This makes it possible to derive the name Scandinavia in the same way. With the restriction that  mahal ≡ mighty, powerful  is Semitic, Indo-European, especially Hindi, and *Vas­co­nic, there with­out ini­tial m. The castle Mal+berg north of Kröv on river Mosel has this word in its first written re­cord. This re­stric­tion also holds for the word Steppe. Whence both may be common Swadesh-words.
  • For the Krohn+s+berge range Brunner has the common Semitic and Indo-European root  ker+(e)+n , which also has the meaning summit [ Bru 186. ]. This fits well because one can see its highest point from afar. However, al­so (Old­eng­lish)  crāwe(s) ≡ ɣurab [ B&H p 619 ] here are frequent. When later the old language no longer was understood it develo­ped folk-etymologically to crane(s)+mountains [ Gra p 55 ], which are not as common here. In the middle of this range of end mo­raines the road Groß Gottschow - Rambow - Krampfer crosses this range, which according to Seger is le­gen­dary [ Seg p 169 ] and a way of the cross, meaning an high age.
  • Almost in the middle of the end moraine range from west to east there is Guhls+s+dorf, where today the country road cuts through this range. Vogel [ Vog p 29 ] traces this name back into Pre-Slavic Oldgerman  guôtlich ≡ splen­did. Still ol­der is [Bru 199.]  (s)kel ≡ scull tracing this back to the megalith-culture, hence into Semit(id)ic. Sculls han­ging on gates are pos­sible but only rarely recorded. Therefore  qeleu ≡ to wander  fits better [Bru 200.] to its location in the mid­dle of the mountain range and hence to the main route across. Guhlsdorf is an ideal place for a guard-house, say at the war me­mo­rial, where we also assume the Mörrer- resp. Mörder-hill fort [Seg p 64]. Compare this to the geo-stra­te­gy on the Weis­se Berg at the main road from Pritz­walk to Per­le­berg in the west. Contrary to there here in the mid­dle of the range the ground falls off smoothlier to the south than to the north, like also in Si­mons­ha­gen in be­tween. In Guhls­dorf a mo­dern ramp bridges a steep decline to the north. Whence to the south we expect fortified farm hou­ses, in a fertile plain, shiel­ded to the north against cold weather, protecting to the south against the pres­sure of the in­va­ding In­do-Europeans - most of them below modern villages and big farm houses. So the megali­thic bor­der­land had its southern border some­where in this plain, a bottleneck for the invaders. This led the megali­thic peop­le to in­stall the borderland around the Meck­lenburg, i.e. Seddin, to be feoffed to a capable Indo-European from the nor­thern urn­field-culture. His dynasty even­tual­ly rose to great power from the trade amber for bronze along ri­ver Ste­penitz.
  • We find the street name Am Jahl in Guhlsdorf - here also the field name Gohl - and in Perleberg. There it possib­ly des­cribes a settlement on a small hill outside the main fortified settlement on an island of the river Stepe­nitz, hence for stran­gers not to be trusted. Jahl sounds like Semiti(di)c heathen / ignoramus, a disqualifying characte­ri­sa­tion for In­do-Eu­ro­peans.
  • It is tempting to relate the name of the hamlet Pr i tzi er at the state road also to tin and perhaps even to copper [ Ven Kap 22 ]. But here nothing votes for the two metals - without archeological troves, say a hoard, this remains ques­tion­able !
  • To the south we find Prött l i n without a Slavic s, which therefore is closest to the Semit(id)ic word for tin. It must be seen in the context of the near megalithic king's tomb at Mellen. Exactly here near Lenzen the megalithic area sur­pas­ses the watershed to the south till river Elbe, to the west thereof even towards the Harz mountains.
  • Preddöh l ← Predule [1318] gives rise to think of tin. Since the first part of this name is common in the Prig­nitz, as seen above, we conclude that here like on the British Isles it became the proper name of the people of the me­ga­lith-cul­ture. In Bri­tain this name survived several changes of the population. We think that there even existed a common na­tio­nal iden­tity in Bri­tain, Scandinavia and Mecklenburg. The two confronting peoples would then be the tin people and the hea­then / the settling down and cramping people, i.e. the British and the Germanics ! For the second part of the name He­brew  derek ≡ way, road  [ Bru 384. ] is possible, referring to the all-season dry road from Kuhbier or Pritz­walk to Twiet­fort, where­from the con­ti­nua­tion is by boat to the north. Alternatively Akkadian  adâru ≡ gutter wa­ter­way  [Bru 13.] re­fers to river Küm­mer­nitz, which be­cause of its huge drainage basin dangerously swells during thunderstorms. Ger­man and Sla­vic  Tal ≡ valley  also fit in, given that Preddöhl oversees the here depressed river Kümmernitz.
  • Pr i tzlava is the passed on name of a castle and the location of a battle close to river Elde near Quitzöbel, in which the lo­cal West­slavic Bretzaner / Pretzaner in the year 1056 crushed the invading Saxons / Germans such that the Ger­man east colonisation was delayed by more than 100 years. This name likely is the name of a vic­to­ri­ous nation plus Sla­vic  slava ≡ fame, glory, since the second part fame makes the first one likely as the name of a na­tion, com­pare the ety­mo­lo­gy of Breslau and that one of Rosslau below.
  • In visual range of a prehistoric crossing river Elbe there is Lenzen on river Löcknitz, first mentioned before the year 1000 as Lunk i n i, which should have been an important place at the southern border of the megalith-culture. Hence
     Lunk+i n imu+l ḥaq+ūnconquered, subdued province, colony   in Arabic   [ Whr p 1146 ]
    fits geo-strategically, at least if omitting the enforcing prefix. And the river name Löckn+i tz should be a Sla­vi­sa­tion with the mea­ning  the river at Lunk i n i.
  • The name of the whole area Pr i g+n+i tz also has a possible megalithic etymology ( in [ Gra p 46 ] Graf tries Slavic ) - from Se­miti(di)c  folk ⭮ p + l + h ≡ divide. However, this does not work as natural as for +walk, because it needs  l → r  and   h → g, and above all hits the challenge, that from one root there developed several place names. Therefore we try the proper name of the urnfield-culture Brieger, which survived all changes of he population to become the name of the West­Sla­vic Bretza­ner, who supplied an addional +i tz. Since this suffix means water, the Prignitz, however, is con­si­der­ably less watery that its neighboring areas, this ansatz also remains a challenge.
  • Prz i tkov and Pr i (e)sten at the southern slope of the Bohemian Erzgebirge also have such tin place names. They fall in this class since the most probable tin mining area in Germany is the Erz­ge­bir­ge range south of today's Al­ten­berg and Eh­ren­frie­ders­dorf. However, an archeological proof still is lacking.
     There even are two water ways to the Prignitz, the direct northern one along the river Mulde being uncomfortable, the southern one to Aussig on river Elbe cutting through the Erzgebirge mountains at the pittoresk breakthrough at the Bo­hem­ian-Sa­xo­nian border. That is why there must be settlements along river Elbe from the Bronze Age, i.e. dating in the era of the prince of Sed­din. Both Bohemian pretan-localities look like settlements of privileged minori­ties, be­coming rich by tin transport and trade. Since usually over the centuries not only political power but also trans­port and trade as­semb­le in the hands of a few families there even must have been dynasties like much later the Fugger and Wel­ser of Augs­burg. But power and wealth came to an abrupt end when iron substituted bron­ze. Tin mining de­clined and was only re­open­ed du­ring the Middle Ages and the upcoming of coins.
     However, an old saga indicates a passing on of age-old *Vasconic knowledge:
    When three brothers got poor a good-natured giant gave away a path to Zinnwald's tin. 
    Once more the saga associates giants and miners and leaves to the nordic Bronze Age only an underpart. Sad­ly the name of the giant is not passed down.
     Only after the word  zechen ≡ to quaff  should have been transferred to mining - as name for a trade union of miners to meet for drinking together. This sort of Zeche in turn can be traced back to Basque  zor ≡ guilt  [ Rub zor ], which re­sults to­gether with  zorrak+estal i ≡ to pay  [ Rub begleichen, bedecken ] in an explanation of this other­wise un­ex­plain­ab­le word [ KS Zeche ].
 The fact that these etymologies work - and reveal some parts of history - means, that these sites already were named in the me­ga­lith-era and passed their names down over several changes of population and language. Clearly each time they got shif­ted to the new tongue. In the Slavic case the roots simply got new pre- and suffixes, which then were overtaken by the me­die­val Ger­mans. When later a language no longer was understood, auto­ma­tically there arouse the impression that words must come from the language just died out. This leads to doubtfull folk-etymologies and disputes, as can be seen in the works of Vo­gel [ Vog 1904 ] and Graf [ Gra 1957 ]. All that holds correspondingly in Scandinavia and Britain.
 From Stepenitz / Marienfließ there is a dry forest track via Retzow and Ganzlin to the southern end of lake Plau,
  • where the late little harbor in Bad Stuer presumably overbuilds an older one, compare the short channel at the nor­thern end of lake Fla­cher See south of Klocksin.
  • Alternatively the little harbor with a sandy beach at Twietfort is closer to arrive at on a still existing hill track, which close to Twietfort ends in a steeply declining hollow way - this being densely edged on both sides in the Ganzliner Holz fo­rest by numerous impressing megalith sites, still in use and perhaps already looted in the later Bronze Age [ Rnn p 122 ].
The whole forest track from Marienfließ to lake Plau is edged on both sides by megalithic sites, hence this area was dense­ly po­pu­la­ted during the megalithic era. Only if the water level would have been higher than today river Stepe­nitz would have been na­vigable upriver the cloister without costly water constructions. How dry this forest track is fol­lows from its soon be­com­ing heath after the military use stoppage of late. The track passes mount Ahrendsberg south of Klein Da­me­row, ha­ving had a sett­lement on top: Widely visible its height is 89 m, nearly a square, flat on top with a cis­terne, it is co­ver­ed with im­pe­netrable ma­quis on a thick layer of stones. Are there two gates, the western one looking like a clavicula gate ? The name of this moun­tain is a  valley ≡ aran −name [ Ven p 838 ], with a suffix +antz meaning similarity, or +rantz ≡ in direction of. Hence the over­seas trade route runs over a saddle between mount Ah­rends­berg and a nameless, hardly visible moun­tain 3 km to the east, sup­posed to be 83 m high.
The boat trip to the Baltic continues via lake Plau, lake Petersdorf, towards the east lake Fleesensee, then turning north to the water divide as described here. The long waterway from the mouth of river Peene to river Elbe in Bohemia or river Saale to Thü­rin­gia, hence - apart from very short carry arounds - only has two tracks ove land, the 15 km at lake Plau and the even shor­ter one at Klock­sin, both dry over the whole year, and both protected by a fortification - the large site north­west of Klocksin exactly on the water divide and the Ahrensberg. We assume both also as having been treasu­ries. Both for­ti­fi­ca­tions are con­temporary [ Ke i p 9 ]. Moreover to the east there is a second parallel threshold of for­ti­fi­cations ( danger threatens from the east !), see the re­vea­ling Abb 12 by Herfert in [Ke i ] ( after Jochen Brandt ). Flan­king sites in Ba­se­dow and Griebenow al­so were pro­tections of this route. Hence the eastern threshold consists of Gör­ne, Gühlen-Glie­nicke, Kra­tze­burg, Rüh­low and Jä­ger­hof. This line should also have served to close alternative tra­ding routes to fo­cus trade to Sed­din. Around Kra­tze­burg there even are three fortifications of the Bronze Age, and in the south in addi­tion sites at Pie­vers­torf and the eastern bay of lake Pa­gel.
For sure to the genesis of the Germanics in this area around the ring wall on river Dömnitz
  • the relatively, compared to the open Börden around the Harz mountains, unalluring environment of sandy hills, moors, dense forests and swamps - compare this to the geographicl isolation of the three northern kingdoms of Spain, which re­sisted the Moorish conquest and started the reconquista to end up in the kingdom of Kastilia -
  • the impenetrability besides this singled out waterway along river Stepenitz, which in most parts was made na­vi­gab­le for small boats [ M&H ], essential for the north-south traffic,
  • plus trading amber for bronze, being essential for the rise of a buffer state,
  • and not only playing off neigboring great powers
have contributed.
The genesis of the Germanic language from a northern dialect of the Indo-European urnfield-culture with a *Vas­co­nic sub­strat and a Smiti(di)c superstrat led to a closer relationship of Ger­ma­nc to Italic than of Germanic to Celtic, because ac­cor­ding to Udolph Celtic developped far west beyond river Rhone.
Typically for the megalith-culture is a sophisticated stone culture, typically for the urnfield-culture is a so­phi­sti­ca­ted me­tal culture. Their difference in religion - Vanir and Asir plus the *Vasconic giants - was described by T. Ven­ne­mann [ Ven ] con­vin­cing­ly. The borderland marked by rivers Stepenitz and Dömnitz, the Krohnsberge hills end moraine and the big wall in the east for sure was megalithic, given the numerous megalithic sites strewn around the agricultural center from Dannhof to Kuhs­dorf:
  • 🪤North of Dannhof the river Panke was dammed up to a lake, the stone structures on the northern bank of which be­ing more likely graves or buildings than clearance cairns. This also holds for for the stone structures on both sides between Wolfshagen and Groß Pankow, following the left hand cobblestone road till the 60 m high ele­va­tion. Looking at all this as buildings we get we get an etymology for this agricultural center at the dammed lake: Hans Wehr [ Whr ]
    Dann+d ī wāncouncil, court of law, chancellary[p 420]
    makes this place a possible prehistoric, regional metropolis. This name seems to be another doubling in Se­mi­ti(di)c and ? - which in turn also indicates that Dannhof was more than a simple farmhouse. Then the etymology of
  • 🪤Retzin, somewhat to the west,
    Retz+inrāș i d / rașad+i nguard, watchdog, scout[p 476]
    fits in too, the suffix +in taken for Semit(id)ic instead of Slavic. Consider also
    Retz+inrušd+i nthe orthodox ones[p 473],
    especially when the enfeoffment of a military borderland to an Indo-European led to resettlements, or already ear­li­er with the Drang nach Norden of the urnfield people led to withdrawals across the end moraine into the safe ha­ven cen­ter of this borderland, as in the case of Luggendorf. The orthodox ones then would be the Se­mi­ti­(di)c sup­por­ters of the megalithic religion.
    Retz+inrads+i nto burnish + people[p 464],
    is a further possibility. Since this area is dry,
    Retz+radm / radm ī yātto fill / bank up[p 465],
    does not fit here unlike in the marchy plain tracts flanking the rivers Randow and Oder far to the east.
  • 🪤Retzow near Ganzlin to the north of the village Stepenitz probably must be looked at in the context of the huge hill site on the Ah­rens­berg close by. Guards therefore are as likely as a Slavic Ra t i s, which is indi­cated by the Sla­vic suf­fix +ow.
  • 🪤Gottschow, 1245 first mentioned as Gatzk+awe, which clearly can be derived from a German Gott­schalk, sett­ling among Slavs. However, this would be a late naming. Semiti(di)c
    Gatzk+ma+gadūsholy, saintly, sacred[ R-L p 368 ]
    is much earlier and therefore more likely. Close to the holy Kuhsdorf a second holy place is not likely. There­fore if so, a small temple or even an lonely eremit will do, say on the line of heights north of Simonsha­gen.
leads to
the genesis
of the
Germanics
around 800 bChr

the city of king Hinz
is the Ur-Kuhbier,
the Schwedenschanze
approximately 8 km
west of Pritzwalk
on the southern shore
of the river Dömnitz
- well preseved -
in the forest

without
the light forest
of beeches
and
a stockade
on top of the walls
this construction
must have given
impressing sights
from all sides

the
locations,
especially those
of the metals,
must be exploited,

the flow of trade
is clear
three präehistoric
large scale plants:

pyramid
ringfort
section wall

in the north
of the Prignitz

the
linguistic trichotomy

corresponds exactly

to that of the
Germanic mythology
and the
excavation results
from the Teufelsberg
The River Elbe

the Tin Route

and an early
Siegfried line
Such laborious defense sites as those ones protecting the 5 lakes horseshoe country and the two treasure sites at Klock­sin and the Ahrensberg only make sense because there was a trading route from the Baltic across the water­shed and up­strem ri­ver El­be to the mining areas in the Erzgebirge mountains. Which produced the riches of the Vanir and in turn at­trac­ted the Asir. For sure mining was *Vasconic, trading amber for metals megalithic.
 Whence we have to look for Semitic place names also from the spout of river Stepenitz to Aussig in Bohemia, given that the me­ga­lith-culture along river Elbe to the south archeologically is well-known [ Kae p 11]. This archeology plus the follo­wing ety­mo­lo­gies plus the genetic conclusions [ M…W ] for the northwards oriented river basins deliver three com­po­nents of a Müller-Hirt-dia­gram. Hence along these rivers we expect similar names, especially for neighboring ones like ri­vers El­be, Oder and Weichsel. However, for the fourth component - mythology - we see no chance of any conclusion - too many chan­ges of po­pu­la­tions.
  table Elbe- a Siegfried-line ⚓
 
Place / TermSemitic / ArabicTranslationComment[ Source ]
☟  ☟  ☟[ ☟ ]  
In fact on an island of river Elbe in
Prester(the) tin peopletoday inside Magdeburg[ Ven Zinn ] 
there are discoveries from this early megalithic era. In addition Magdeburg with its rock on a western riverbank, on which much later the dome was erected, is an ideal starting point for skipping up and down river Elbe. The first and third line of the table[Internetübersetzung]
 
  ᒼ i gadassemblingIraqi Arabic,[ Qaf p 437 ] 
 Ma+gde (+burg ma+ᒼ āqu i dsignatoryalso  to conclude a marriage contract[ WrC p 629 , 
Maiden (Castlema+ᒼ q i dmeeting -, assembling point p 628 ].
 
literally letter by letter describe the discoverings of the archeological excavations at Mai­den Castle in Dorset, in sight of the Channel !
  Educated guesses
🏺 Excavations on the hill  Maiden Castle  in Durham north of river Wear would re­veal the same for the earliest use.
🎗 Staffordshire's knot-symbol is a step by step simplification of the megalithic la­by­rinth, the first step being a flatted version on Middle Age wristbands, the second step being on me­mo­rial stones en­graved double knots, and the third step being a reduction to the no­wer­days simp­le knot.
🥓 The engravings on the rounded rocks in front of the hill New Grange in Ireland are in la­ter times misunderstood pictures of labyrinths.
𑇪 Thus - Staffordshire explains the frequent closed loops of Germanic art.
 Given this etymology for Magdeburg there should be more megalithic ones north of the Elb­sand­stein mountain gap :
Bries(+witz  
Pieschen 
Pester(+witz
the tin peopleat cut banks of  river Elbe
mmmmn- || -
at a geological joint
[ Ven Zinn ] 
are suburbs of Dresden, wherein megalithic settlements are to be expected. Hence
 
ʔ i s traṣṣadintercepting, highwaymana toll- or trading post[ B&H p 434 , 
Dresd+en traṣṣadwatching, lay down and wait    after rafting the riverp 539 ] 
starraḥrestalso a place for rest[ Qaf p 286 ] 
 
are megalithic-semiti(di)c instead of non-convincing Slavic ety­mo­lo­gies. There are se­ve­ral rea­sons for that:
  The center of Dresden also is situated on top of cut bank, more flood proof as Alt­dres­den across the river, which, because of flooding, only could serve as a temporary staple mar­ket in sum­mer. A naming from Slavic swamp and Russian  swinging ground, say on a moor  from Dres­den to Cuxhafen always would be appropriate - hence is no in­for­ma­tion.
  Exactly to the west of the center of Dresden there is  Gorb+ i tz ≡ west+water, trans­la­ted how­ever, from two different languages. Assuming an early naming, we have to con­clude a long and innermost contact of those.
  The strongest arguement though is - the place name Dresden exists also in Stoke-upon-Trent in Staf­ford­shire, a megalithic area which never was Slavic - calculate the pro­ba­bi­li­ty that 7 letters out of 24 coincide.
  This gives rise to the assumption, that also in Mercia downstream from Dresden on ri­ver Trent there was a place name with the etymology of Magde burg, to fill up a com­mu­ta­tive dia­gram.
 This region since (4000) bChr till the Romans was considerably populated, which is shown by numerous archeological troves: Three Iron Age dugouts and a spoke wheel vote for ac­tive traf­fic - by boat on the river, the main connection from the Irish Sea to the North Sea on the one hand, on the other on a north-south route over land.
 Therefore we derive the Rid-names along river Trent not from Celtic but from Se­mi­tic-me­ga­li­thic  r i d ⭮ r i ṣad ≡ rest, break, halt - consonants in the midst of a word often are rub­bed off. Rest­ing places alongside rivers often lie at fords.
 Aside from river Leen through Not­tingham there are more places with such namea.

 ☝
 Meißen halfway between Magdeburg and Dresden since the German east co­lo­ni­sa­tion of the early Middle Age is the central place of the Mark Meißen, the his­to­ri­cal­ly cor­rect name of to­days Land Sachsen, like todays Brandenburg historical­ly cor­rect is a Mark and not a Land.
 
Meißenmaṣūnstrongly protectedthis describes the topography[ WrC p 532 ]
m i nṣaanprotected with the castle on the rock precisely[ B&H p 515 ]
 
applies even better, given that one of the first names of this city was Misuna. However, the im­por­tant role of Meißen in German history not only is due to its location at the ri­ver, but pre­do­minantly to the much later German east colonisation - leading from Mag­de­burg in a sou­thern arrow via Görlitz and Breslau till Krakau, in a northern one via Ber­lin, Frank­furt and Posen till Gnesen.
 We attribute the same etymology to Manchester in the midlands - among the first writ­ten re­cords mamuc+ium, manuc+unio. There a fortification protecting the waterway from the coast near Liverpool via Sheffield to river Humber makes sense.
 Not only both place names but also the topographies of Meißen and Manchester - castle - ri­ver - stream - are remarkably congruent.
 This is a typical Semitic name for a fortification, as shows Almazán on the up­per ri­ver Du­ero and so far inland the Iberian peninsula, that it is more likely of Moorish Midd­le Age ori­gin in date and location.
 Between these locations there must have been a chain of stations of megalithic skip­pers and mer­chants, the most obvious ones given by the Pr i tz-names Pratt+au south of Wit­ten­berg, further upstream Pretz+sch and in
Pr i tt + i n - literally means  (the) t i n people, as in Br i ta i n ,
behind the sharp bend of the river. Besides Magde burg and Dresden this is the fourth name with the same morphology and semantic along river Elbe and in England.
 Just as well fits Ros+slau because of the extreme horseshoe resp. peninsular bend of ri­ver Elbe,  raz ≡ headland explains the first syllable, the well-known slavonization glo­ry, fame the se­cond, if not at all assuming a name like Ros lagen in Sweden, i.e. de­ri­ving Ger­man +lau di­rect­ly from Semitic +retreat, without a detour via Slavic.
 At river Elbe we find the same morphology as in Breslau at river Oder, at river El­be still me­ga­li­thic, at river Oder already Indo-European. In addition surely Ros lagen in Swe­den and Roslá i r at the southwest corner of Ireland never have been Slavic.
Given that we have to clarify whether the local Walternienburg-culture,
falling exactly in the era of the megalith-culture and located around Roslau,
has its roots in the Prig­nitz around Klocksin on the watershed,
in Denmark and Sweden or even in Britain.
 We associate this culture with the megalith-culture of the north, whereas
the Bernburg-culture, centered somewhat to the west,
is *Vasconic with, however, a heavy megalithic influence.
 No wonder therefore that along river Elbe there is a diagram
Maiden (+CastleMagde (+burg Br i t a i nPr i t t i n
DresdenDresden Manch (+esterMeißen
of surprisingly coinciding names and place names, wherein Han(n)over also would fit - which, how­ever, is situated somewhat off the valley of river Elbe, the route to tin. Man­che­ster / Meis­sen even is one corner of the diagram
Manch (+ester Meiss (+en⭮ minsaanprotected
Sal (+fordZsche i la⭮ sahlplain, flat
of adjacent, geographical complementary locations on the opposite riverside. More­over Sal­ford merges with  Ker+sal ⭮ qara+sahl ≡ settling+plain  - i.e. the  plain with the set­tle­ments.
 There remains - central to that section of river Elbe -
Torg (+aut i:ʤa:ratradeat a characteristic trading post[internettranslation]
together with the two towns Torgelow in Pomerania and Torshak in Russia. Swe­dish and parts of German in the north even keep the usual Arabic pronunciation of the let­ter  ʤ = ğ , after mirrowing the root.
 We reject the usual Slavic etymology of these four locations: torg in fact is not Ger­man but Ger­manic - Swedish and Norwegian torg means cen­tral tra­ding post or simply market.
 Hence this expression must have traveled from Germanic to Slavic and not vice ver­sa, in Po­me­ra­nia and Russia perhaps even later with the Swedish Vikings, the Ruriks.
 At river Elbe it therefore must have been Germanic or even - earlier - megalithic, sin­ce it would have been a miracle if that central emporium wouldn't have served tra­ding along and across river Elbe.
 Whence the diagram of the two Arabic words for
   trade   ≡   sana عa    Hansa, Seine, Île de Sein
 ≡ t i:ʤa:ra  Torg(+au, Torg(+elow, Torsh(+ak
leads to the conclusion that the historic Hansa had a megalithic ancestor which al­so tra­ded along river Elbe.
 We cannot expect to find this a Scandinavian place name, at least not in single form.

 But across the North Sea on the coast of Devon, it is tempting to add
Tor+quayt i:ʤa:ra + kartrade+ quaySumerian r → ay can happen[ Pp l II 1329.]
although there is a well-established history of its quite modern founda­tion. If so one has to assume that the founding fathers used a still existing field name, a Sumerian loan still in use in early proto-Semitic. Note that [Kluge] assumes the word quay only as west-In­do-Eu­ro­pean.
 Also across the North Sea, at the historical divide or at times even border between Nor­thern and Southern Eng­land, there is
Tork  
(+sey
t i:ʤa:ratradeat a large peninsula
south of river Trent. The difficulty here is the second sillable, which for sure came by with the Vi­king army, garrisoning there in the early Middle Age. So the first sil­lab­le may have come by at the same time too, which can be excluded only by the context, which could be the - hi­ther­to unexplained - etymology of the rivername
 
Trenttranna حstagger, reel, totter, swaydescribes both, the ri-[ WBS p 136 ]
tarām i nwidely extended ver and its large drainage basin[ WrK p 369 ]
 
with the Semitic plural +at augmented. To whirl would be another fit, since only modern a flood barrier protects the river from high tides. In history it several times changed its bed and du­ring floodings destroyed many bridges.
 Here at the historical divide between the northern and southern parts of England
Notting 
(+ham
n i ṭ āq enclosure, limit, border, ring,
 area, (administrative) district
later nasalised[ WrC p 974 ]
[ B&H p 869 ]
still today is a local center at the crossing of roads - thus omitting the invention of a much too late Anglo-Saxon or even Viking Snotti. The striking etymologies
Sher   
(+wood
ħ i r ʃ
 
wood
  (+wood
a doubling which only needs ⇄[internettranslation]
Hoodħa:da, i(to) dissent, digressone early version even is Hode[internettranslation]
give rise to transfer the tale of Robin Hood backwards in time
- like we do with the Nibelungen lied and the Idomeneo-part of the Ilias - from the era of Richard Lionheart not only to the era of the Norman conquest but much ear­lier to the invasion of the first Indo-Europeans to England, the Brigantes and Vene­tians, overtaking England from the Megalithicians.
So Robin Hood was a megalithic rebel, trying to defend the old rule❗
 In addition there still today is the central market town
Thirskt i:ʤa:ratradein a central inland location
in Northhumberland, as mentioned in the first written Ang­lo-Saxon records. This deri­va­tion al­so com­petes with a Viking one, a place with a lake ( which doesn't exist ) or a moor ( which may have been there ). But this would amount to a lar­ger lin­gui­stic dis­tan­ce than our Se­mi­tic one.

 We discard the usual Slavic etymology of those four German towns: torg is not Ger­man but Ger­manic - in Swedish and Norwegian it is a central place of trade or simplier a mar­ket.
Akenˀakam(a)h i l linmidth of wet lowlands[ WrK ˀakam ]
lies inmidth of lowlands on a slight elevation. Today river Elbe is protected by high dy­kes against the frequent floodings which make live difficult also in
Torn  
  (+i tz
ṭ aran 
  (+ its
wetlands
   (+ water
kind of another doub-
 ling  Semit(di)c + *Vasconic
[ Thorn ]
further north too. So this may have been a settlement of Bandkeramik fishermen to­ge­ther with some Megalithicians. So no wonder that we also find *Vasconic place names like
Pömm 
+elte
river+beautiful
mmmmmmm+at
like  Bayonne  in France[ Lha p 101 ]
close by - a straightforward etymology meaning that the Bandkeramik people alrea­dy had de­ve­loped a romantic relationship with their river, loosely  Old Man River .
 At a nearby higher place archeologists excavated the woodhenge of Pömmelte giving rise to the comparison with
Woodhenge near Stonehenge obviously is the earlier wooden model for the
construction of stone circles.
This ended at Pömmelte because of the Indo-European invasion but is a further clue
for the megalithic colonisation from England upstream river Elbe.
We know that such a model for Stonehenge existed in Western Wales at a place where some of its blue standing stones do come from.
☝ ☝   ☝[ ☝ ] 
place / termSemitic / Arabictranslationcomment[ source ]
Needless to say that the waterway to the south doesn't end in Aussig but continues via Prag and Budweis to the Da­nube bas­in, since the main customers of amber settle around the Mediterranian −
amber versus tin

can the special role
of Germanic
as part of Indo-European
be explained
geographically
?

the city of king Hinz
is the ur-Kuhbier,
located some 8 km
west of Pritzwalk
on the southern shore
of river Dömnitz
- still highly visible -
in a forest

the Mecklenburg

without the
clear forest of beeches
and together with
a stockade on the walls
this site should have
imposed
an impressive sight
from all sides

the find spots,
especially of metals,
still have to be located,

the trade flows
being clearer
thee
pre-historic huge sites:

tomb cones,
a hillfort
a sectional wall

on the northern edge
of the Prignitz

the
linguistic tripartition
corresponds exactly to
the Germanic mythology
and the
archeological evidence
at the Teufelsberg
River Elbe
and
German
East-Elbien
even the name Elbe and the names of the four decisive aereas have a - convincing - megalithic derivation❗
☟   table Elbe-Line ⚓
E l b ee l ēpuinterlock, entangle, be
 interlocked, entangled
hence a strategic name [ P&W p 24 ]
indicates, that the fall of the Elbe-line took some time. However, this river name occures a second time in Germany.
Swebenṣaaḥab
samāḫu

confederate, ally, friend
(to) unite, associate mix
golfarabisch 
assyrisch 
[ Qaf p 374 ]
[ P&W p 97 ]
Semnoneszamma, tamma i(to) tie (together), complete[ Whr (z)(t)amma ]
A l emann ik╱ull + manall + those (ones),
all + every one
[ WhC p 925 ]
− where for the first entry we also have to mention that in a very early Scandinavian edi­tion of the Nibelungenlied Brynhild comes from a land Suava and the Romans called the Bal­tic the Suebian Sea,
− the second entry comes from a common Semitic-Indo-European term [ KS Zaum ], the se­mantic neighborhood of which also contains  zumla ≡ com­mu­nity,  zum­ra, zumar ≡ group of people  and  zam i l ≡ companion [ Whr pp 529-530 ]. Possibly the name Svea, as opposed to Sweden, also developed from here
− the first and the third entry still are in use today.
 So going back to the megalithic era and language all three notions mean the same and may have come into being at different times.
🐮
The easy to defend southern border of the megalithicians we find in
Mecklenb 
+urg
(ma+) q i b l y
...
(very much in the) south
...
also in the Maltese wind rose, 
and compare Ma+ghreb
south of the Baltic Sea, resp. at its southern border. Here again the early medieval ety­mo­lo­gy is much to late. Also, the usu­al­ly supposed, but not referred to place is much to small to sa­tis­fy large - con­tra­ry to the real­ly large  Byzanz ≡ Miklagard. We as­sume that the Schwe­den­schan­ze north of the hamlet Horst a few miles west of Pritzwalk had this name, be­cause it is si­tua­ted in the very southern part of the megalithic area in nor­thern Ger­ma­ny.
 Since this notion for the wind rose also is used in Maltese, it remains to identify it in more western and northern European regions, neighboring a megalithic area.
 The first recorded  Nakon+i d  is passed down to have been a rich ruler of the Slavic Abo­dri­tes - Arabic  nu ' qu : d ≡ money  [internettranslation]. Even the personalising +i d cor­res­ponds to a Se­mi­tic suffix, as shows the example  captain ≡ qa: ʔ i d, itself a Se­mi­tic loan or a wan­der­word ?
 Mecklenburg's symbol is the ox-head, cristian ridicule of a Semitic bull's-head sym­bol, as for the Merovingians.
🦅 Further south the name of the Mark Brandenburg comes into sight. Like in Meck­len­burg the addition of +burg and +d+ should be due to the medieval incoming of the Ger­mans and the sound shift to High German - lacking in ear­lier Low German and in in­ter­me­diate Slavic. So
Brand╱ 
+en
barraan i
ba r i-i i n

exterior, (e)strange
foreigners (plural!)
south of the Seddin borderland [ Qaf p 37 
p 35 ]
outline convincingly a root for the name of the assaulting Indo-Europeans given by the lo­cal megalithic defenders.
 Since this word also denotes a stranger in Maltese it remains to identify it some­times in We­stern Europe, adjacent to some definitely megalithic area. Further to the south
🐎
Saxony,
 Saxons
sakārublocking, damming, keep-
 ing from, shutting down
also a strategic name, r → s [ P&W p 97 ]
indicates, that only the outcome of the Nibelungensaga resulted in a final break­through of the victorious Indo-Europeans through the defence at the Elbe-line.
The (old)-Norse name  Sax e l f r  for river Elbe unifies two meanings to
≡ the line of defence 
against the invasion from the east of the  huns ≡ the Indo-Europeans .
Sassen [Platt]ṣāssufight, combat, strifesounds like Susa [ PW𐎺 p 253 ]
herefrom becomes the capital Susa of the ,Huns' in the Nibelungenlied, which we as­sume near the grave mound of Leubingen, the grave of Etzel / Atli / Attila. The open plain around votes for an incoming horse people.
 The name Sachsen / Saxons then would not originate from a medieval sound shift of the German drang nach Osten, but much earlier and simultaneously for the line of defence along the valley of river Elbe. Later, when the whole are became Germanic speaking, both names migrated to the west even up to Westfalia.
[Internetübersetzung]
☝ ☝   ☝[ ☝ ] 
place / termSemitic / Arabictranslationcomment[ source ]
Existence
north
  MecklenbSuava
west     east
BrandenbSachsen
south





Uniqueness

this does not work with dictionaries of any other language (group)
A
Landmark Ruling
Route
to the South
from river Nebel or lake Nebelsee via Troja and river Rhin to the country of the Huns. The river Rhin sharply bends at Zip­pels­förde to the west, heading straightly to the lower course of river Havel, hence towards river Elbe. But a map in the in­ter­net shows instead a sudden crease to the east towards the upper river Havel in the opposite direction, which no longer exists. In this broad low­land the name Rhin also occurs. Possibly at the era of the first settlements only this eastern arm existed, the we­stern one be­ing cre­ated later by exreme floodings. Then originally river Havel only would have been a tri­bu­tary and the river Rhin much lon­ger than today.
table Nibelungs
Place / NameBasque / SemiticTranslationmmmmmmmmmComment[ Source ] 
☟  ☟☟  [ ☟ ]  
Bur+gund
+gund
 ⭮barr  
  +gund

stalwart, devotion
  + body of troupe
an early Garde du Corps [ P&W gunnu ],
even a Sumerian loan [ Ppl II gunnu ]
[ B&H p 64, 
p 174 ]
poses the question of the relation of the Burgundians to near by Bornhom, a se­cu­re cen­ter of the Megalithicians, but with the must of a special guard in the ex­po­sed are­as south of the Baltic. Over time - compare Ja­pan's Samurai - it de­ve­lo­ped to a whole folk, which much later gave its name to an entire region of France.
 Do the Burgundians originate in the palace guards of a prince of the type of the - 1000 years later - prince Hinz of Seddin?
 The Nibelungs can have been a leading dynasty of this troupe, later tribe, their na­me de­ri­ving from their fiefdom somewhere around lake Nebelsee.
Thence the oldest root of  Bur  also may be derived from Assyrian, read
 barû ≡ (to) check through, scrutinize, look at tho­roughly, percevere  or
 bāru ≡ (to) be firm  [P&W p 14] or  bâru ≡ (to) catch enemies  [BGP p 39] ❗

 There is a direct overland route from Hagen's Troja to river Rhin at lake
Tweri(+see
+n (+see
 t-w-r +
  noo ع (+...
develop, become +
⸻⸻sort of
only collects the nume-
 rous small springs of river Rhin
[WBS p 295], [ WrK p 576 ]
[WBS p 474]
 Assyrian root being  tuāru ≡ (to) turn into, convert, transform  [P&W p 125], for the let­ter n alternatively Assyrian  ēnu ≡ spring, well  [p 25] also makes sense ❗
commencing a waterway to the south and further across lake
Roch
(+ow+see
ru kncorner, anglewhich surprisingly accurately
 describes the geography there
[ internettanslation ]
and a sharp switchback from northeast to south into lake
G i esen+  
schlag (+see
kanaz  
  ġarraq

hoard
  sinking
long stretched, with three narrows,
 one towards an often swampy sidearm
[ Spi kanaz,  [ Wo i p 554 ],
   p 260 ]  [ WBS p 334 ]
   − use  l ← r  and compare with the mirrowing of letters in Hinz of Seddin,
 Assyrian root of the first part of the name being  kannuŝu ≡ (to) gather, collect  [ P&W p 45 ] ( whence  ganūnu ≡ treasury  [p 30] ) and of the second part  šalû ≡ (to) immer­se, sub­merge, plunge under water, dive  [p 110], with obvious  ˆ ↔ g 
and from now on di­rectly south via lake Krummer See till today's hamlet Neu­müh­le. This be­ing a likely place of a water barrage - only cut through in modern times by the con­struc­tion of a mill - the whole gutter waterway would have appeared ori­gi­nal­ly as a ri­ver - the river Rhin, a suc­cession of lengthy lakes with narrows in be­tween, com­pare ri­ver Ha­vel in Berlin.
 Thus the names of three lakes derive trom their geometry - the Nebel-, the Roch­ow- and the small Krum­me See to the south.
 To the west of lake Giesenschlag there is a short tributary which surely is a pe­te­red out branch of this lake. To the west on an elevation there is a place with­out ve­ge­ta­tion, in­dicating an ancient settlement, overlooking this lake. Probab­ly this was the first sett­le­ment here, later moved one km south to
Luhmel- ˀ -m
l i ma ح

to suit, preferable
to catch sight of
[ WBS p 416, 
p 427 ]
- another typical Germanic and hence Semiti(di)c name.
 Vis-á-vis on the eastern shore of lake Giesenschlag commences a hollow way, up to 3 m deep and some 150 m long, leading via some, today landed up ponds into a branch of lake La­bus - the shortest portage between lake Müritz and river Rhin. It runs be­tween two nearly 20 m higher hills, and we infer that it was filled up by ero­sion - up to a de­gree that to­day on­ly one person can pass at a time. It also protects the nor­thern hill, per­haps place of an early settlement, in sight of the oppo­site Schön­blick set­le­ment. All three lo­ca­tions bar this waterway strategically.
 1 km north of the hollow way we find a stone structure at a deep place, which be­cause of its oval form more likely is a megalithic tomb than a pile of pebble stones from the fields.

 Considerably far-off to the west from this chain of lakes north-south-waterway is
Kagar q-h-q-r
sogoŕ

(to) retreat
hidden, secret
in  t qahqar  initial  t  only is a prefix
hence even older than megalithic?
[ WBS p 380 ]
[ Lha p 531 ]
- another example of a name, sounding neither Slavic nor Germanic. Compare this re­mote location ( and this translation ) with that one of Stuer.
 Somewhat to the north and at the likewise off-road of the chain of lakes
(Flecken)
Zechlin
zaḥa l aremote, distantwith only minor sound shifts[ WrK p 383 ]
is another example of a geographical-motivated place name. The dark hollow way from here through a sandy range to the north should date much later.

 Inside lake Rheinsberg there is a ringwall on the island of
Remusnnn
+(insel
 ⭮ram i z +
rā ˀ i mānu+s i, râmu

(to) decide, resolve
love + plaisant, love
place of a court ? 
a very old, romantic usage ❗
[ WBS p 199 ]
[ At t p 877 ], [ P&W p 90 ]
- for sure a secure and attractive location in any era. Here we have to assume very ear­ly me­galithic colonies and a survival of Sumerian suffixes in the Assyrian lan­gu­age. But it is dif­fi­cult to decide which of the two translations is more likely − it is half­way be­tween the Freund­schaftsinsel in Potsdam and the Liebesinsel in Mi­row. The first de­ri­va­tion can be en­lightened by
Sch
+l abor+n
 ⭮i zan+mmm
nnnlaboŕ i

ready, to cost so.one so.th.
 +horror, terrified
a place and a (northern) lake[ Lha p 565  
+p 641 ]
- but a place of executions should have led to legends and perhaps even to tra­di­tions. Lhan­de also has the synonyme version lagoŕ i.

 At the outpouring of river Rhin into a trough - which at times should have been a lake, this being indicated by förde in its name, the translations waterfall and catarakt, how­ever, be­ing a little exaggerated - is
Zip+pels 
(+förde
 ⭮t i b+ku + p i l šuoutpouring + breakthroughup to 1530 Tibs+förde, with mill[ BGP ], [ P&W ] ]
- wherefrom this river earlier was directed eastwards into river Havel and west­wards in­to today's direction westwards only after a huge flooding.
 Aramaic  z ī qu ≡ cataract, rapids  [P&W] may also explain the name Zech+ow, since be­tween Rheinsberg and Zippelsförde the river Rhin in sections is such stony that boats have be portaged.

 In Berlin, at a narrow of river Havel, which originally may have been the Rhin, there is
Sacr(+owazkarfast, vivid, rapidhere the current runs faster[ Küh p 182 ]
- and because of the lakes around there likely was an early Bandkeramik-*Vasco­nic sett­le­ment at this narrow. The expansion of the megalithicians along the waterways made this place a sui­table stop over. As a protection of this waterway it was for­ti­fied, a litt­le off this route by a ring­wall on an 20 m high elevation [ Sh9 ] with a 6 m high wood-soil-stone wall - which must have been an impressing look. Akkadian
Sacr(+owasra ᒼ
zaqāru, saqāru
z i qqurratu


faster
(to build very) high
zigurat, temple tower
same semantics, but k → ᒼ morphology
morphologically similar to Basque,
 but archeologically not verified
[ Sp i p 115 ]
[ BGP p 444 ]
[ P&W p 100 ]
delivers a further surprise - semantically and morphologically. This hill fort was burnt down, probably by attacking Indo-Europeans on their raid north. It is dated be­fore 1000 b Chr.
nuq  ŧ a(stop) pointrelated morphology but dif-[ internettranslation ]
Nuthenāduwaterskin ≡ ∼schlauch ferent Semitic semanticsAssyr. [P&W], [BGP]
nad ibranch, bifurcation*Vasc. [ Lha p 763 ]
and opposite to its entry into today's river Havel or perhaps the earlier river Rhin.
 The Assyrian root may have been only the second naming, the first being a Band­ke­ramik one. Only during the later Nibelung's era it has taken over the role of a mee­ting point for traveling southwards.
 Surprisingly the name schlauch appears in this area, today Ems­taler­schlauch, hi­sto­ri­cally Swine taler schlauch, which corresponds to the bright red copper beech­es - see below at Bechlaren - exactly.
Pot+mmn
sdam
p i t t u+mmn
mmnsadru

ambit +
 regularly occurring
fitting nicely to the control- and mee-
ting point of the Nibelungenlied
[ P&W p 84, 
p 96 ]
with more fitting etymologies: Say  saddam ≡ opponent  - at this node point at the tri­bu­ta­ry Nuthe. However,  ŝatammu ≡ administrator  [p 113] or even simplier  ŝeṭu ≡ (to) spread  [p 115] are likelier for this a location. This also holds for Spiro's translation  ṣadam ≡ (to) dash (against), collide , see [ Sp i p 257 ].
 A Bell Beaker grave near the barracks of the Prussian Garde du Corps indicates a node point of a very old river and road network. The southern branch towards Sa­xo­nia was se­cured along river Nuthe by the four Nuthe-castles, which today do not exist any lon­ger but were well-known to the poetrist Theodor Fontane.

 Only *Vasconic, because being located beyond the waterway along river Nuthe and there­fore not of importance for the megalith-culture people,
Ge l t+ow  
← Gel i t i
ge l d i +tu
ge l d i+arte

stop, to rest
stop + at the
on the way westwards to Gülpe[ Lha p 350 ]
 Surrounded by swamps, today dried out but still marshy areas, and in the flood­plains of rivers El­be, Rhin and Havel, the hill
 
Kien (+berg
 
 
 ⭮
 
kinn

kinnû
 

 
secure place
 
mountain
Arabic
⭮  
Assyrian
[Whr p 1121]
 
[ P&W p 30 ]
is protected against three geographical directions. Only to the west it is not cut off by steep scarps. The plateau on top (59 m) in this direction is secured by a deep trench, for sure ar­ti­fi­cial, which should have served as a hurdling for cattle in times of unrest. But there is no site which could be dated into the megalithic era and it is lo­ca­ted far south of the megalithic area.
 The name of the village and leke
Gülpegal labto change totypical Arabic[WBS p 393]
also describes this alternative waterway towards the south, which, however, be­cause of the tre­men­dous detour Rhin-Havel-Spree never was competitive.
 These three places on a west-east strategic inner line should have served the lock­out of competition and smuggling.

 There are nearly fully consistent etymologies of
Albericha l buruimpertinent, self-pleasedjust as Wagner sees him[ Lha p 28, 
Rüdigera╱r t e kar imediatorduty of a margravep 63 ]
- i.e. for the start and the end of the Nibelung's travel towards the huns - a strong ar­gu­ment for this historical interpretation of the Nibelungenlied. In both cases this should not be proper - but typical bynames, which later have been Germanized.
 Alberich's evil features are a typical *Vasconic strategy to survive as a substrat, where­as Rü­diger should have been an Indo-European or an megalithician in, how­ever, a *Vas­co­nic em­bossed borderland.
 Clearly Alberich's name also can be a *Vasconic byname, motivated by the location of this treasury near a brim - the existence of which is crucial for this thought - south of the con­siderably lower basin of river Peene.
 Hence this basin may be the Nederland of Sigurd / Siegfried. Which in turn leads to the search for a location, which was transfered to Xant +en by the much later bard of the Nibelungenlied.
 Can it be  Sand → Rand (+ow) near Demmin at the two Meanders of river Peene? Gi­ven that one of the first medieval sources writes Xanten with an initial S in­stead, and that  s → r  is a non-trivial but frequent and late sound shift, the bard may have used this to trans­fer the area from one which was unavailable at his era to a well-known to the au­di­ence one.
 Not every detail of this story necessarily is a legend of some historical stuff - some may be added by the poet. A candidate for this is Sigurd's boyhood, i.e. the story with M i m i r, the dwarf and blacksmith, i.e. being *Vasconic. Because of the close si­milarity of  sa­nad ≡ prop, sup­port  with  san­dān ≡ anv i l  [ WrC p 434 ] this may have led the poet to en­rich the story to fea­ture-length. This perhaps is a clue that the story, i.e. history first was told in the megalithic language.
 The geographical situation implies that Sigurd's first discovery of the world led him north to meet Brynhild in Seegard - which clearly identifies with Sagard on the is­land of Rü­gen in the land Suava, the land of the Swebians - this being told in the ori­ginal, nor­dic version of the Nibelungenlied. The medieval poet used the pho­ne­tic si­mi­larity of German E i l and ( meaning island ) and Iceland to transfer this part of the story far to the north, which at his era was newly dis­co­vered and there­fore well-known to eve­ry­body. So he was able to insert Iceland's volcanos as Ring of Fire. At the time of the ar­rival of the In­do-Europeans at the Elbe-line much earlier Iceland was un­known - the me­ga­li­thi­cians didn't get there.
 The nordic edition of the legend of the Nibelungs - which we follow here by gi­ving place names a sense - avoids the often discussed geographical in­con­sis­ten­cies of the Midd­le High Ger­man version.
 This transfer in space and time of this Lied by a great unknown poetrist equals the transfer of the much older tale of Idomeneo, king of Crete, into the Ilias by the other great poetrist Homer. May be in both cases the audience was aware of this.
 It remains to verify all this archeologically − the northern half of the area of the ( nor­dic version of the ) Nibelungensaga, from Sagard to Klocksin, is strewn with me­ga­lithic sites.
 arte , +kar i are typical Basque morphologies [Lha], hence in no case loans. If article can be backtracked [ KS ] via Latin to Greek  árthron , this only can mean a trace from Pe­las­gian in Athens - and because this root appears among the Indo-European lan­gu­ages only in To­cha­rian and Albanian we assume its origin on the Balkans from where it startet its long resp. short travel. Maltese  artikola ≡ leader, speaker  [ AqM ] clear­ly is a La­tin loan. There is a Se­mitic cognate.
 These names hence must have a *Vasconic derivation! With ❌ larre ≡ meadow  we get
Bech+lare+nbage + ❌
baga + ❌
baxa + ❌


without + ❌
common beech + ❌
steep hillside + ❌
only if the center was nearby Glau
a grove of red beeches exists only there
would be the only known Nutheburg
[ Lha p 98, 
p 98, 
p 119 ]
- three possible etymologies, arranged by rising probability.
 In the first case Glau would be derived from  gara ≡ elevation , this place being shiel­ded stra­tegically on three sides by wetlands and in the north climatically by the Glau­er Ber­ge-end moraine.
 The reason for the second derivation is the existence east of Lehnin of a grove full of red copper beeches, which glimmer in the sun like no other grove in Germany.
 The most likely derivation is the topological one - the last one of the Nuthe-burgs is si­tu­ated above a steep hillside, still documented on modern maps but no longer exist­ent.
 Because of
Zauchezehaŕ
west, detour
transverse, athwart
in the west of the north-south route
along river Nuthe and transverse to it
[ Lha p 1079 ]
we conclude that this long distance path early was established by the Bell Beaker peop­le, afterwards was used by the Bandkeramik people and was supervised by the me­ga­lith-cul­ture.

 Somewhat offroad towards the the Baruther Urstromtal, important for keeping this route to the south secure, we find the town of
Belz+igbe l t z+eg iblack+verycontrary to the Black Forest this fits
the geographical situation quite well
- a typical *Vasconic place name - north and below the Burg Eis+en+hardt, itself in all three parts of its name typical *Vasconic. Even it is assumed that this route has been es­tab­li­shed by the Bell Beaker people quite early.
 Nearby Raben - village and the burg on the Steiler Hagen-hill - plays some role in our in­ter­pre­tation of the Nibelungenlied, but a *Vasconic derivation is very unlikely.
🏹Given these etymologies we now try to outline the  pre-history of Northern Germany .
Given the tripartition of the Germanic world into a Semitic superstrat, a broad Indo-European adstrat and a *Vasconic sub­strat plus our reading of the Pforzen runic buckle, we now try to reconstruct prehistory, driving it to a legend and to its me­die­val poe­tic form. We interprete the Nibelungenlied according to the above diagram of an  often told tale  as lore of ac­tual hi­sto­ri­cal events, being told by two different angles of view, a *Vasconic and a megalithic one. This is done by
    shifting it timely at least 2000 years backwards and spacely from river Rhine to river Rhin in Brandenburg. Thus we have to go back to an era when the Indo-Europeans firstly invaded central Europe from the south-east, establishing their first king­doms and pro­ceeding to the west in a series of huge Sichelschnitt operations pointing westward.
      The builders of the megalithic structures in the north not only used geography and fortifications at strategical places for de­fense, but also allied with the local *Vasconic speaking Bandkeramik people.
     Since the Indo-Europeans invaded mostly in groups of hundred, the Bandkeramik people used *Vasconic  ehun ≡ hundred  to call them huns. We think that the English idiom huns for the people living along the main defense line along river Elbe and the German idiom Hunde for enemies have their origins therefrom.
     This alliance also was sealed by a marriage of the two couples in the above diagram, arranged by reason of state. There­fore both mar­riages went bust - in one case after eight years, in the other case by Skadi's unwillingness to live near the sea. The Ni­be­lungenlied describes the details - the breakthrough of the Indo-Europeans. The

      mmmlegend of the Nibelungs, their travel to the Huns and their downfall
    commenced at the megalithic site north-west of Klocksin on the watershed, which was the megalithicians storage yard of the bulk of their riches. After a decline of the megalith-culture a dynasty of Bandkeramik *Vasconics was able to as­sert them­sel­ves as castellans, the last of whose, Alberich, was able to win the sole ownership of this hoard.
     Sigurd → Sigward → Siegfried probably was a prince from the flat areas north of the escarpment, Nederland, at the wa­ter­shed from a place Xanten we think to be Rand +ow on river Peene. When he ransacked the hoard the northern half of this site on the water­shed re­mai­ned intact. It was Hagen von Tronje who levelled this half and sank the hoard in river Rhin. Worms in the Ni­be­lungen­lied still has to be located - perhaps the royal residence of the Nibelungs somewhere on lake Ne­bel­see? From there the tra­vel of the Ni­belungs towards the territory of the Huns commenced with the meeting point in Pots­dam, where river Nuthe flows in­to ri­ver Havel - in the days of yore river Rhin.
     Margrave Rüdiger resided on one of the four hillforts along river Nuthe at the beck-meadows - in Basque  larre ≡ meadow  - meadows edge river Nuthe in the Zau­che-area plentifully. From there they crossed the valley of the Ba­ru­ther Ur­strom­tal and the Nie­de­rer Fläming-ridge towards the cen­ter of the Huns at Susa(t) in the south. This location still has to be located as well.
     Then the tomb of  At l i / Etzel / Att i la  can be seen from afar - it's the pyramid (cone) of Leubingen. This dates the histo­ric events of the Ni­belungenlied at 1900 bChr, the first tomb there - 1300 years earlieer - being too early. As a con­se­quence, the me­ga­li­thic de­fence at river Elbe delayed the breakthrough of the northern Indo-Europeans for about 300 years.
Via the figure of Dietrich von Bern the Nibelungenlied is slightly linked to the likewise age-old Dietrich-saga complex - by the role of this Germanic shining light at Attila's court. For Hildebrand's part of this song we even have an Old High Ger­man frag­ment, and we still hope that a full version of this part appears eventually. The existence of such a fragment is a hint that the Dietrich sa­gas and the Nibelungenlied are not only invented by a ( group of ) medieval poet(s) but are write-ups of historical events.
 Given this we also transfer the Dietrich von Bern-complex, backwards to the era around 1900 bChr and towards the north-south-passage through the Zauche. Like the Nibelungenlied this tale was aligned by the very early medieval poe­trist with events of the day and transferred to accessible areas from inaccessible ones east of river Elbe. Because of his In­do-Eu­ropean name he probably has been a leud at Attila's court. However, we cannot exclude that this name on­ly des­cribes his des­cen­dence or even only has been a title. In this setting of a borderland he overtook an ol­der for­ti­fication on the Stei­le Hagen-hill - a me­ga­lithic name, which leads to its inclusion into the list of megalithic for­ti­fi­ca­tions against the invading Indo-Europeans - and had his residence down in the village Raben. In­deed the Se­mi­t(id)ic-me­ga­lithic name is closer to Ger­ma­nic raven than *Vas­conic bele.
 Clearly this site meanwhile is overbuilt by the medieval burg Raben and we have to fear that the same holds for the site of the Rabenschlacht - battle of Ravenna - if so by the modern Autobahn which cuts a passage through the hills of the Fläming. We have here the same geo-strategical situation as at the Harzhorn further to the west.
Dietrich's underpart in the Nibelungenlied is only a weak clue for this perception. A substantial stronger one gives a Se­mi­ti­(di)c-megalithic etymology for the name Raben, and for this there are the variants
 
raaba ᒼbefriended, associated closelycompare Rüdiger's role[ Qaf p 252 ,
raab i ᒼfriend, associatep 253 ,
 Raben ⭮raaba ᒼto raise, bring upnewly established?p 254 ]
rabb(a)to have control, authorityalso a margrave[ WrC p 320 ,
rab ī ᒼ aguard, watchsay in a disputed areap 321 ]
 
all of which indicate a borderland-situation and correspond to Rüdiger's task. Hence did here a Bandkeramik and an In­do-Eu­ro­pean nobleman cooperate and also watch each other ?
the legend of the Nibelungs
took place between
Sagard / Rügen
and the
grave mound near
Leubingen

the Nibelungs


transferring the
legend of the Nibelungs
westward to river Rhine
cannot work
without
distorsions
The
Runic Buckle
of
Pforzen

elahu gasokun
 A belt buckle, excavated in the years 1991 / 1992 near Pforzen in the lower Allgäu in an Alemannic grave field [ BCD p 31 ], pic­tures in [ W&B ], gives a sensational insight into the common history of *Vasconic and Germanic people. It is dated around the Me­rovingian conquest of the Alemannic area in the year 535. Transcribed from the runes its inscription reads
    a i g i l  and i  a ï l run
     e l a h u  gaso k un .
The first line is easy to understand. It is a typical Germanic stave rhyme, referring to Egil, the brother of Wieland, and to the Valkyrie Alrune, with whom he lived nine years together, until she left him. The intrigues around this failed re­la­tion­ship al­so may be part of a lost Egil lied.
Apparently it is part of the world of sagas around Wieland the Smith, which is known to be very early. Hence it makes sen­se to assume the first line as the header of a saga, interpreted by the se­cond line. Exactly this is badly done by the trans­la­tion given by the excavators themselves. This also holds for all later trans­lations. Because of its early dating, centuries be­fore Bo­ni­fa­tius, any christian bearing also is unlikely. More­over to be worth to be engraved on a belt buckle, it must be some song of songs, known to everybody, on often told dras­tic events, i.e. something of the qua­li­ty of the Ni­be­lungenlied. Hence, we have to ask for restricting requirements for the second line, which are not fulfilled by any of the hitherto approaches.
Now the second line undoubtedly is not Indo-European Germanic − it is virtually Basque! With [ Küh ] we get
ele+atale + the
ehu+nmatter, stuff but alsoehunhundred 
 gaso ⭮ / ⭯askomuch, many
+kun+fold, +times,
and moreover therein only in one word there have been syllables and single sounds interchanged, plus one n inser­ted. This can be put to the great a poetry
    ehu+n≡ the many times told tale
together. The step  asko ⭯ gaso  looks intermediate to the German  ganz (≡ whole)  - i.e. without nasalisation, but already with the typical Old High German suffix +o.
 This translation is closest to the original inscription and fulfills all criteria to be en­gra­ved on a buckle. Also it illuminates the latest surviving of the *Vasconic language.
In addition scribal errors on the brooch are utterly unlikely, like in all archeological troves, even if buyer, engraver and li­te­rate were not identical. If such errors are necessary there is a rule of thumb - the translation is errone­ous.
Adding to this translation  of Pallas Athene we get an Homerian epos! Hence, is the hexameter - which even in a straight­for­ward German translation is great a poetry - Pelasgian heritage, which the *Vasconic original inhabitants han­ded down in­to the German language in the same way, whereas Indo-Europeans preferred stave rhymes? This even al­lows for in­ter­changing both words in the second line, something we know in German from J.W. von Goethe's
    ist die Nacht das halbe Leben
    und die schönste Hälfte  zwar ,
and take for great a poetry. In between our *Vasconic-German approach and this poetic grammatical freedom we find the ge­ne­ral grammar. The similarity of which in Basque and in German remains to explore, in excess of the similarity of pre- and suf­fi­xes in both languages.
The Nibelungenlied deserves for sure the heading  the often told tale. Given that also the name of the Valkyrie A i l +rune easi­ly can be derived from Semit(id)ic  high(ranking) + sorceress - the table
🐉Translation*VasconicMegalithicTranslationAnsatz Nibelungen
Basque womanSkad iN j ördlord of the earth
 
doer, makerEg i lA i l +runehigh + sorceressa Valkyrie
 
 ❓
 
een schöne wi p? Kr i em+h i ldS i gurdmaster of the earth
 
doer, makerGu(n)terBryn+h i l d ?a Valkyrie
 
 TranslationMegalithicMegalithic / ?Translation
looks like connecting loose ends, although the etymology of two women's names still has to be given. This diagram alrea­dy con­tains more pairwise correspondig statements ( in the sense of elementary logic ) on the four mythical characters than Scott-Littleton's Ansatz for the samurais in Japan.
 Therefore we assume that this song is part of a song of Wieland, and - because this is assumed to be very old - is of the same age. So many facts inside the songs only are a christian adaptation of the early Middle Ages, giving rise to inter­pre­ta­tions. There­after must have existed for ages a  song of W i e l a n d 
  • which we do not know anymore, and which we still have to discover,
  • which sings about historical events like the contact of *Vasconic and megalithic people from the north,
  • the age of which can be compared with the Greek Prometheus lore, without both being identical,
  • with a strophe, singing about Wieland's brother Egil and some Ailrune, the title line of which we know from Pfor­zen.
  • There must have existed an earlier bilingual poet of Homer's rank, who was able to rhyme in both languages,
  • and who not only was able to rhyme *Vasconic, but was also able to play with words - in the second line of the trans­lation,
  • which also demonstrates how conservative Basque a language is, even if at the end of the first word of the se­cond line an n was rubbed away - such tiny sound shift in 15 centuries strongly differentiates the Basque from the In­do-Eu­ro­pean languages.
  • At this time - because of the signs of usage we assume not more than 200 years of permanent use and in­he­ri­tance of the Pforzen buckle - must have lived a bilingual bard of the Germanic legend, who still spoke the old *Vasco­nic lan­guage,
  • being able to recite to listeners, who still understood both languages,
  • the second, the German sound shift taking place under the influence of the still *Vasconic speaking popula­tion of the mountains.
Moreover we dare the Ansatz that the the upper and the lower part of this diagram describe the same characters - but in the * Vas­conic language of the band ceramics people and the language of the megalithic builders. Since
  •  Eg i l and Gu(n)ter - cancel the nasalisation - have the same translation in the two languages
  • the ending +earth for the men is the same, this also must be the case for the female +hild -
  • the first part of the men's names quantify, this also should be the case for the females -
  • and Skadi's name derives from her nation, i.e. may be a byname only,
it is possible that Kr i em+ also derives from the megalithic name for the band ceramics people, whom they found south of the areas along the North Sea and the Baltic everywhere - hence look at Sumerian  baram ≡ (to) expand , hence the bri­gands. Al­ter­na­tively there is the better Sumerian derivation
 table Kriemhild ⚓
Kr ie + m 
 + h i l + d 
g i7-r + m 
 + h i-l i  + da-a
 ≡noble + and
 + seducing + neighbor
Sumerian → Akkadian →
 megalithic → Germanic
[ At t  p 407 + p 701  
+ p 526 + p 224 ]
- with this  the noble one  it too went into modern Arabic [ Qaf p 499 ], [ B&H p 745 ] - we find here a nice illustration of our ar­rows  ⭮  and  ⭯. However, the bottom translation in­di­cates the more explicite name[Internetübersetzung]
Griem 
 Kriem
⭮ ḡarām(ī) ≡high passion, hot desireGriemhild is 
 Kriemhild's mother
[ Qaf p 458 ],
[ WrC p 671 ]
- with the semantic doubling by +hild. Since in the hebrew-christian-moslem world, i.e. the Be­duin religions, such a fact would never have been allowed for a woman's name, in this case the name should have travelled with a city-type re­li­gion in­to the north, where it did not sur­vive christianisation. This also holds for its Merovingian, male ver­sion Gri­mo­ald. In this trans­la­tion a byname became a name, and if we identify Kriem­hild with Skadi, which al­so is a byname, we do not know her real name.
 There remains to linguistically bridge Ailrune and Brynhild in order to reveal the truly  decisive historical  role of the song of the Nibelungs:
Bryn   
 + h i l + d 
⭮ berano
 + h i l + dun
 ≡surrounding ...
  + death + (suffered) + having
*Vasconic → Basque[ Lha p 108⸻] 
+ p 440 + p 214 ]
- wherein German  Brünne ≡ byrnie, which seems to come from Basque  barne+ko ≡ waist­coat , does not really convin­ce. In­stead we have to go further back to the original to get the mea­ning of this name - the designation of a Valkyrie. Because of As­sy­ri­an
+rune⭮ rabû ≡(to) extol (someone)timely back from cuneiform[ P&W p 91 ]
even the remaining gap between Ailrune und Brynhild is closed.
☝ ☝   ☝[ ☝ ] 
nameSemitic / ArabictranslationComment[ Quelle ]
All this gives rise to hope for more surprising discoveries, perhaps like archeologically in Pforzen - Mindelheim half­way as the crow flies from Pforzen to Nordendorf, where are the findings and publications of an excavation of an Ale­mannic ce­me­try in the beginning 1950er years ? - hidden places or even unreckognised in a museum. This would con­si­derably reduce the risk of hoaxes. 
a
philological
sensation
The
Runic Brooch
of
Nordendorf

logaþore
Nordendorf in the west of Augsburg is situated some 50 km north of Pforzen. Both sites should be seen in context with a Ro­man long distance road. In the year 1835 an Ale­man­nic burial ground was cut, being only a little younger than that of Pfor­zen. At this early time discovering were not as exactly documentad as this is the case today. The ru­nic brooch ex­ca­vated there now is in a museum in Augsburg. Transcribed from runes this inscription is
    l o g a þ o r e w o t a n w i g i þ o n a r
    a w a l e u b w i n immmmmmm ,
wherein in the first line logaþore is carved in notedly smaller than the names of the two gods wotan wigiþonar. This first word hence cannot be the name of a god since such a vilification could be dangerous. This must have been a - positive - in­can­tation of one or even both gods. With [ Küh ] we get
 
 l og+a+l ege+alaw + the
+þore+dur i+representig, +delivering, +giving
wotanWoden
w i g i+þonarfighting Donar
awaabafather
l eubw i n i*l euba+*w i n idear + friend,
 
wherein the last line undoubtedly is Indo-European and not *Vasconic [ FBN l ēo f, w i ne ]. That l oga with the meaning law has sur­vived a long time, is shown by the derivation of Oldswedish [ Eb l p 540 ]
 
 l og + ma + þerl ege + men + dur ilaw + men + agent
 
from *Vasconic, meaning  men representing (the) law.
Mixing two languages on the runic brooch clearly has to be explained: It is reasonable to assume that not only the first word but also the whole is an incantation because then we get a full list of positive attributes, the first two ones of which be ing *Vas­co­nic, the final two ones Indo-European. And in order to feel save the *Vas­co­nic ones can have lived on for a long time - given at all that the old language didn'd been spoken by some part of the population still at this time. Herein the word father does not disturb, since in Germanic it also is used as a kind of idiom. 
for sure
is not a
modern hoax

( to fend off
acclamations
from
America )
The
Land Suava
and the
Geography
Our arguments for backdating the events of the Nibelung-saga, the source of the Nibelungenlied, and their transfer from river Rhine to river Rhin rest on the observations
  🪤 linguistically for nearly all places − the city of Worms still has to be identified − and acting persons there are ety­mo­lo­gies which make sense,
  🪤 geographically all areas of the Nibelung-saga − Burgund, Nederland, Susa, Sachsen, Suava − are so close that in that ear­ly era they were within reach.
From north to south and regeions which neither were megalithic nor mentioned in saga and lied of the Nibelungs - but were for sure subject to the „Huns'' - we get
table lands
🪤Geography of Megalithic Country Names
north
Mecklenb urgSuavaHinter Pomer aniaKaschub ienSam(b) land
 
mmm← west Bran denburgKujaw ienMasur en east →
 
Sachs enPosen*Vasconic then Indo-European
few megalithic tradíng posts along rivers
south
− further east it becomes too cold for people of mediterraniqan origin.  
everything close by
which is more likely
in
this early era
The
Fine Strategy
of
Prehistory
Presumably after a while - except for early skirmishes - a friendly exchange between the local *Vas­conics and the mega­li­thi­cians of the north came into being. This leads to riches, which in turn attracted the Indo-Europeans from the south-east - like some millennia later Huns, Madjars and Mongols.
 Elsewise than two of these Asiatic tribes the Indo-Europeans of the first Indo-European migration forged on to the At­lan­tic, sett­led down and developped high cultures. Whence we predominantely expect at river Elbe Semiti­(di)c--me­ga­li­thic, but off the Elbe-valley *Vasconic places and place names. Typical for the first ones is the place name Sark + ow + itz in the  ≡ east of a for­ding of river Elbe, for the second ones Hartha near Dresden, a *Vasconic hartz-name.
 During this invasion from the east, which by no means was friendly as shows the massacre of Eulau - also that it not only was a fight for riches but also for women - the advance should have come to a temporary standstill at river Elbe.
 Since a breakthrough through that kind of plunger block at river Elbe was unavoidable, a strategic scenario like that one of the up­beat of the two world wars at the western front came into being, at best being denoted by the historic name sickle cut.
Both Celtic branches, which according to Gray & Atkinson [ G&A ] split early around 2300 vChr, and therefore should be as­sumed as two different Indo-European language groups, advanced as far as the Atlantic.
 However, if we assume that this split occured already in Eastern Europe, the southern group should have arrived ear­lier at the At­lantic, coming along river Danube and the Belfort Gap. The northern group followed later after overwhelming the megali­thic de­fence at the Elbe line - i.e. the defeat of the Burgundians as the Nibelungenlied tells - through Lorraine or even through the Ne­ther­lands. Then the split can have occurred already in Southern Poland, or even al­ready east of the Pripjet-swamps - like much la­ter Baltic and Slavic people.
The regions north of the Elbe line remained untouched in the first assault. First of all
  • Eastholstein / Mecklenburg / Pomerania, protected by the elaborate defense sites at the southern border of the 5 lake hor­se­shoe, was held. Because the megalithicians established the Prignitz as borderlands, after (800) vChr there the Germa­nic lan­guage came into being. What role - if any - the battle of Conerow at river Tollense did play in this defense still remains open.
  More such untouched retreats were
  • Frisia, Salland und Holland - Frisia in history always being extra,
  and perhaps even
  • the Normandy and the Bretagne - the Normandy being geographically such unprotected against the south that if so there must have been special reasons for that,
  in the interior of a sickle.
The main wave should have been the arrival of the Indo-Europeans into the area of the later urnfield-culture from central Po­land to the Champagne in France.
The latest wave, for sure after Christ, was the arrival of the Slavs, which in the middle of Germany was terminated by the po­wer of the mighty Franks.
unravels
Havel Spring L. UhlandFossa Carol.Questions ❓RoadnetMain WaterwayRiver PeeneMeißen Nibelungs Pforzen 
Literature Commented
[LZ&]🍜
E Leithold, C Zielhofer, S Berg-Hobohm, K Schnabl, B Kopecky-Hermanns, J Bussmann, J Härtling, K Reicherter, K Unger  Fos­sa Ca­ro­li­na: The First Attempt to Bridge the Central Euro­pean Watershed · A Re­view, New Findings, and Geo­ar­chae­olo­gi­cal Chal­leng­es  Geo­ar­cha­eo­lo­gy · An International Journal 27 [2012] pp 88-104 
discuss the pros and cons of its completion.
[M&H]





[MH11]
🧱
J May, T Hauptmann   „König Hinz" Kommt in die Jahre  Archäologie in Berlin und Brandenburg [2003] pp 54-56
describe a typical Indo-European cult of fire in Seddin, which stretches from Scandinavia till to the areas around the Harz mountains, which by J. Udolph where the cell of origin of the Germanics. The following article [S&G] describes its archeology.
 The whole Bronze Age area along river Stepenitz, pointing to the main watershed between North Sea and Baltic, is analized extensively on  http: // www.b-a-b.de/pub­li­ka­tionen/May_Hauptmann_2012_Seddin.pdf.

J May, T Hauptmann  Warum Befindet sich das „Königsgrab" von Seddin am Mittellauf der Stepenitz  pp 129-150 in [ BE& ] dis­cuss all, es­pecially traffic aspects of this spectacular site. A pdf-version is available from the authors.
[S&G]🧱
T Schenk, T Goldmann  Die Seddiner Kultfeuerreihe  Archäologie in Berlin und Brandenburg [2003] pp 57-59
 

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