| Periphery |
| IE arrival |
first published
Aug/14/2011
revised upload
|
|
Urnfield-
Lausatia-
and
Faceurn
Cultures | The Urnfield-culture, offspring of the Aunjetitz culture of the first permanently settling Indo-Europeans in Central Europe, especially the Lausatia- and the neighboring face-urn culture in the north, ended with the emigration of the Venetians and the Italic peoples. Their areas were huge between central France, say the river Oise, with a tail to the south along the valley of the Rhône, and the river Vistula [ Ki l Abb 27 ]. The northern border was north of the Harz mountains, the southern border at the southern hills of the Alps. The border between the Italic peoples of the west and the center of this culture presumably was a line from the river Aller across Germanies low mountain range to the Black Forest.
The smooth transition to the Lausatia culture in the east makes it difficult to see any difference. The border to the Venetians in the Alps should have been marked by the river Danube, because around Augsburg there were Lechwenden.
However, their drive to expand was broken, whence their Celtic neighbors in the west, the Germanic ones in the north and the Slavic ones in the east were able to expand into Central Europe. As a consequence the urnfield-culture was extinguished to the extend that nowadays it can be reckognized only rudimentally. Probably those three population groups expanded one after the other with a time gap in exactly this timely order.
Why the Baltic neighbors, for sure strongly influenced by the face urn-culture, didn't succeed in the same way, but shrank to their actual territories remains unexplained. But contrary to the populous Illyrians and Thracians, who early were Romanised, they survived till today - but only in Latvia, Lithuania and north of Moscow. Hence we should compare them to the Dacians, whose descendents we assume to be the Albanians in the southern Balkans, whereas their ancestors in nowadays Romania fell prey to Romanisation. | the
influence of the
urnfield-culture
on our history
is immensely
underrated ! |
The
(Nordic)
Megalith-Culture | The nordic megalith-culture is in Germany much too underresearched, given that DNA-analysis delivers more and more results [ B…B 2019 ]. And there are two huge sites, one northwest of Klocksin, situated exactly on the watershed between North and Baltic Sea, the other on the mount Ahrensberg south of Retzin. Measured by the area covered both even may be compared to those of Carnac in the Bretagne and Stonehenge in England. Both are much too large for being interpreted as tombs, given that numerous megalithic tombs of normal size are near by.
In the following we connect they to the main trading route from the north to the south - the so-called amber road.
Here we entirely follow the long standing English theory of a megalithic high culture, taken up by J. Pokorny and substantially enhanced by T. Vennemann [ Ven ], arriving by ship from the Mediterranean around the Iberian peninsula at Brittany and the British Isles, wherefrom it expanded to the north up to the Orkneys and the Faroese, and to the east across the North Sea to the areas around the western Baltic - with isolated colonies presumably even in Latvia and Estonia.
The eastern frontier of its central territory probably was in Hinterpomerania [ Cun p 160 ], its southern frontier between rivers Oder and Elbe was close to the watershed between North- and Baltic Sea. It penetrated the hinterland only along navigable rivers. Its territories probably were protected by fortified farmhouses in the southern frontend of the watershed.
The narrow between two end moraines at Berlin was not reached, at best it has been an isolated outpost on a waterway to the south. But the Indo-European invasion made this outpost difficult to protect. The nearest megalithic tomb - a larger cone with at least five minor ones around - lies more than 100 km to the north near Briesen south of lake Stiernsee.
A first indication for such a migration is the - in Protosemitic, Celtic and Germanic common - word brach ⭮ būra ≡ fallow [ Whr p 122 ] and [ KS brach ], wherein the (German) final ch may come from one of the four Semitic laryngeals. Since we are looking for etymologies mainly in maritime context, it is tempting to explain brack+water in the same way, like below  Mukran. However, this has at least one more occurrence in the Indo-European world [ KS Brack+ ] - in Greek.
The dating is surprisingly easy. The archeo-botanists of the University of Kiel did analyse in 2012 pollen from a deep drilling out of Lake Woserin - halfway between Hamburg and Berlin in the territory of the Megalithicians. They found around the year 4200 bChr a change from pollen of wild to crop plants which amounts to a sudden strong population increase [ D…N ]. Independently they analysed the occurrence of hard wheat, the DNA of which turned out to originate from the Fertile Crescent in the Near East [ ZHW p 42 ] – isolated on the territory of the Megalithicians, dated 3600 bChr, which afterwards around 2200 bChr disappeared, being substituted by (Indo-European !) broomcom millet from East Asia [ Kr l ], which, however, arrived on the Jutish peninsula only around 1300 b Chr.
Isolated means - no occurrence further down south to the middle part of river Rhône near Montélimar. Archeologically the date 3750 b Chr is the date of the first use of a high plateau [ H&E ] above river Eider in Schleswig-Holstein.
Conclusion: There was a first populous migration by ship from the Levant to northern Europe, not only with people, but also sheep on board. 500 years later there was a second migration, this time with ideology-religion, but also seeds of hard wheat on board. This roughly is verified by a megalithic tomb on top of a house in Rasdorf near Plön [ S&Z ].
The Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum in Mainz [ Kün Abb 4,2 ] exhibits a map of this expansion for the third millenium bChr. It describes the contact of the nordic megalith-culture with its country of origin, which abruptly broke down only when the Romans defeated the Carthagians – which completely eradicated the oral and written tradition of those.
Hence their language was an early Semitic, which Vennemann denotes as megalithic, atlantic or Sem i t (id) ic. This language may be denoted as Proto-Semitic in the sense of Bergsträsser [ Bgß Kap I ], since - say - Akkadian split off considerably later. It entered Germanic in such a way that these words and names sound typically superstrat-Germanic - hence nice. Whether their number amount to one quarter or less of the Germanic word pool remains to be verified.
This approach leads to numerous - up to now unexplained - etymologies of geographical, mythological and maritime notions, where we still have to add the superstrat notions of Davies - Morris Jones - Pokorny - Vennemann.
| | | | | table | Heimat |
| place / word | | Arabic (Semitic) | | translation | comment | [ source ] |
| ☟ | | ☟ | | ☟ | ☟ | ☟ |
| Mark (+en) | ⭮ | ma+rukn | ≡ | corner(+s) + those | Mercia, plural more original | [ Spi corner ] |
| with the earliest settlements and increasing population and administration - long before the Romans - one recognized the military advantage of rectangular over more economical round fortifications against attacks from enemies. They have the strategic advantage of a shorter inner line. Therefore it is natural that defensive border areas get their names from rectangular.
Especially the arriving Megalithicians thus could fight off the local hunters and gatherers. That is why one has to derive the notion of a (Grenz)Mark from the first settlers. Since mark can also be found in Persian - however isolated ( hence a loanword ?) [ KS Mark ], Semitic delivers the most probable etymology.
Hence the name Maroc clearly means in the far most corner - avoiding an unconvincing derivation from Maghreb. Also one from Berber Marrakesch becomes superfluous.
🏫 We explain - impressingly - the more than 100 place names with the ending | internettranslation |
| +hagen | ⭮ | ḥâg i z | ≡ | fencing, enclosure | in Mecklenburg and Pomerania | [Spi p 124] |
| along the southern coastline of the Baltic on the area of the megaliths. How this word moved into Italian [ KS Hag ] must also be explained. This Semitic derivation gives rise to the assumption, that the Semit(id)ic Megalithicians invaded in large numbers and were not only a thin supremacy above local hunters and gatherers of the Ertebölle-culture, i. e. Kökkenmöddinger.
This cluster of +hagen-names along the southern coast of the Baltic is a strong indication for a naming around 4000 bChr and not only when the Germans arrived in the early Middle Ages. Because otherwise Slavic place names would have vanished abruptly and in large numbers, whereas they survived south of the watershed between North Sea and Baltic - a contradiction.
As a place name this also can be found in other megalithic areas, for instance in the Normandy and on the Norman islands.
The men's name Hagen means protector of the hag i.e. of the state, a role which Hagen von Tronje as the genuine hero plays in the saga of the Nibelungs. This below will contribute to transfer its storyline eastwards into the - unavailable in the Middle Ages - wild East and back in time into prehistory, interpreting the lied as a christian revised version of the much older events described in the nordic version of this saga - happening long before christianity and thrilling the world history.
🎴 To the west from the this area we find numerous places with a | very old
already in
East Africa
by
Homo Erectus
❓ |
+bottle
+büttel | ⭮ | +bētu + e l û | ≡ | + houses + high / up / top | the areas of +hagen- and +büt-
tel-names do hardly overlap | [ P&W p 16,
p 202 ] |
| ending in the Northgerman lowlands - thus rejecting the assumption of coincidence with English +bottle-names. Since those do not appear along the eastern coast of England, they cannot have migrated with Angles, Saxons, Jutes. The theory of the megalithic wandering gives rise to the opposite direction of the wandering.
In Hamburg Poppen-, Wellings- and Eimsbüttel are situated higher than the river Alster nearby. In the North-West-German flatlands the major role for settling down played security against flooding and hence led to these names. In the marshes the Warften, i.e. the dwelling mounds even were man-made.
In the hilly areas of the +hagen-names security against attacks was more important for settlements - and this holds for the +bottle villages on the English west coast as well.
The Frisian +büll-names look more like shortenings thereof rather than being Latin loans. The same should hold for Oldlowgerman / Scandinavian +bu / +by / +bo-endings, but this time lacking +high, i.e. without outgoing +el.
Here we also add |
| Büdel (+sdorf | ⭮ | bētu + e l û | ≡ | houses + high / up / top | large, flat ring ditch site 15 m
high above river Eider | [ H&E ] |
| - convincingly because of exactly our dating, the traffic geography and the topography.
☜ |
| +lagen, Laage |
⭮ | l ağa | ≡ | refuge (to take) | but also [ Bru 201. ] | [ R-L p 439, |
| | l aḥag | ≡ | to arrive, to reach | | p 440] |
| At a time when seafaring mainly was more gliding along coastlines than sailing over the open sea, a headland usually was a place for landing over night, for example Tisvilde+le i j e at the northern tip of Seeland in Denmark. There are many more Danish +l e i j e -names.
However, in or near Laage far in the interior south of Rostock archeology still has to prove a genuine megalithic site.
Limitation: Brunner's list of Semitic-Indo-European congruences leaves open the possibility of a much later naming during Germanic or even German times.
☜ |
| +syssel | ⭮ | saˁsaˁ+l i | ≡ | dispersed + on / at / towards | Scandinavian for +shire or +gau | [ Stg p 581 ] |
| - see Sasel and Süsel below.
☟ | + [ B&H p 775 ] |
| sound | ⭮ | ʤun, ğūn | ≡ | bay, gulf | internettranslation and | [ Whr p 220 ] |
| backtraces the otherwise unexplainable s(o)und [ KS Sund ] by only changing one letter. sadd ≡ to plugg [ WBS s-d-d ], meaning to prevent sailing on and ṣ inaṭ ≡ to calm [ WBS ṣ-n-ṭ ], meaning in calm water, allows for poeticly playing with words by typical Semitic ambiguity. |
| | ˁu l ūw, ˁu l an | ≡ | elevation(s), height(s) | | [Whr p 873+p 874] |
| Holm | ⭮ | ˀaˁāl i n | ≡ | height(s), summits [plural] | | and [ Qaf p 442 ] |
| | għe l m | ≡ | sign | meaning landmark, seapost | Malt. [ AqM p x i i i ] |
| is according to [ KS Helm ] related to helmet, which because of the same shape is semantically understandable. However, [ vSo ḫu l i (j) am ≡ helmet ] as an Akkadian loan shows that the direction of the loan has to be inverted. Moreover since it is contained only in the western Indo-European languages, this megalithic etymology remains somewhat more likely.
The broad semantic field in Semitic gives the solution, since Hans Wehr adds ˁa l am ≡ signpost and even ma ˁ l am ≡ landmark – as such summits were usually taken for.
When the dugout became a ship by adding vertical holms to the planks and the dugout itself reduced a keel the holm became a stake, hold. The earliest Scandinavian rock engravings show ships with oarsmen and keels, but (still?) no sails, for instance in the Nationalmuseet Kopenhagen. An even earlier example ( early Bronze Age or even older ) can be found in the Tarxien temples in Malta. These stone engravings show a large ship. Are the engravings close by depicting the number of persons on board?
Whence the earliest megalithic wanderings were sort of gliding along coasts on galley-like ships with up to 50 persons on board.
Even gu-ul-gu-ul-la-tim ≡ they piled up skulls [ vSo p 297 ] can be subsumed in this broad semantic field, and hence biblical scull place, i.e. Golgata !
If this entire complex is a loan, then one out of Sumeric than one out of Indo-European.
☟ |
| Hansa | ⇄ | ṣan حa | ≡ | trade, further processing | both define exactly the Hansa | [ WBS ṣ-n-ح] |
| explains this up to now unexplained name [ KS Hansa ] through a simple sound swap and again from the Semit(id)ic. Herein the [ WBS p XI ] voiced laryngeal ع, in [ Spi trade ] simply written as one of the two apostrophes ', identifies convincingly with Germanic h. This often is skipped, as shows the German example Nahverkehr, naheliegend.
Compare with the Brittonic Île de Sein west of the Pointe du Raz and river Seine (below). | [ Whr p 728 ] |
We write these two apostrophes as ˁ and ˀ. |
| ☜ |
| haff, harbor | ⭮ | ḥaf f | ≡ | surrounded from all sides | contrary to island | [Spi p 139] |
| fits exactly and also allows to derive the German word Insel according to the diagram
| ḥaf f | | ğa | + | sir | + | a | r |
| ||| ↓ | complementäry to | | ||| | ↓ | | | ↓ |
| haf f | | In | + | sel | | | l |
by a detour around western Europe, so to say.
On the way it also entered Celtic. However, how it entered Latin remains unexplained, since it actually is not a cultural expression, which can be overtaken from neighbors, but an expression which is to be found in all languages. Guess: It arrived in Latin only late at a time when the Italics already were in Italy. Alternatively it may have been overtaken from their notheren neighbors when the Italics still lived on both sides of river Rhine. That in+ only is a prefix shows Baltic sal ≡ island [ Buc island ]. May be that it arrived there by a migration eastward of the Megalithicians, whose colonies were Indo-Europeanized with the immigration of the Baltic peoples.
The *Vasconic enforcing suffix +en may have been introduced later to stress that harbors in general need to be constructed.
In addition assume that nordic æro is an abbreviation of Semitic gaz+ira, jazira - and has nothing to do with (folk-etymological) ears.
Since at the western edge of the Denish archipelago there is an identical Aarösund, originally Öre+sund meant sound of the island(s) of the complete archipelago, and the name of the Denish islands Aarö ( Danish Ärø ) and Arrö ( Danish Ærø ) simply meant island. Wherein perhaps one can add +ro ≡ protected, since both sites with their numerous megalithic structures count for strategic support points and even early fortifications, which indeed are to be found on Arrö.
☟
However, the therefore tempting etymology | [ Stg p 285 ] |
| Belt | ⭮ | ballaṭ | ≡ | to crisscross | also to tile | [ B&H p 99 ] |
| meets difficulties: On one hand both Belts in Denmark can only be passed by sailing crisscross, on the other hand this word is common Semitic, this special meaning being only Egyptian. Hence we assume a Pharaonic origin, coming from crisscrossing on the river Nile. crisscross ≡ ba l ṭa ⭮ vo l ta ≡ bending for sure is a Latin loan and is common Indo-European [ Buc turn ]. In addition it is not clear whether sails were known to the earliest immigrants at their arrival because the ancient rock engravings only show rows.
Hence we conclude, that the names of the two Belts were given only after the invention of sailing - this being a common urword.
☜ |
Reede [Ger],
road(+stead | ⭮ | ragad, rașad | ≡ | lie, lie down and wait | to lie in the roads | [B&H p 346,p 339] |
| is such typical Arabic, that the semantic field is huge, especially when supposing a vocal in the middle was dropped. In this semantic field there also are for instance rat i l ≡ convoy [ WBS p 181 ] and raat i b ≡ ongoing supply [p 325].
☜ |
| Nehrung | ⭮ | nah(a)r(a) | ≡ | current, to stream | simple nasalisation | [ Whr p 1320 ] |
| geograpically is isolated in the middle Baltic, however, outside the megalithic area. A direct translation is barrier beach, bay bar, spit.
☜ |
| Bodden | ⭮ | baṭ i ḥa | ≡ | broad, flat water | slow current in the Bay of Greifswald | [Whr p 94] |
| bay, Bucht | ⭮ | būṭa | ≡ | lake, laguna | laguna is a foreign word | [ R-L p 63 ] |
| Hans Wehr has the second German translation broad river bed. Both are further semantical bull's eye, closing gaps [ KS Boden ] and excluding that our ancestors confused a fact and its converse.
This etymology of Bucht replaces one of German biegen, beugen [ KS Bucht ], the morphology of which is somewhat more distant.
☜ |
| Watt | ⭮ | waţ ˁ | ≡ | trough, dip, swale, deep | tide flat, the lowest area [ KS Watt ] | [Whr p 1412] |
| marsh / | ⭮ | marǧ | ≡ | green land, meadow | ǧ pronounced dsh | [Whr p 1197] |
| Mersch | | mašā | ≡ | to walk along a river | early draining culture? | [ Whr p 1208 ] |
| An etymology of meer+ish inside Germanic firstly also fits, but this one from the earlier megalithic language fits exactly and in addition describes the fertile Mersch of the Westphalian bay at some distance of the sea.
And it explains the name of the Germanic tribe Marser as Mersch-people, some of those around 1200 bChr left the country for Rome. In
☜ |
| (Girst→) Geest | ⭮ | ḥaṡyṡ | ≡ | cabbage, weed, grass | also Hebrew hay, stubble | [ Spi weed ] |
| again there is the sound shift ḥ → g. This derivation points to the sandy and bad soil of the moraine.
☜ | [ Bru 625. ] |
| A highlight is the - otherwise unexplainable and typical Semitic - etymology |
| | ha i m | ≡ | to be in love with | ḥubb ≡ love | [ Whr ha i m ] |
| | hāˁ i m | ≡ | glorified, mystified | til into modern German | [ Whr hāˁ i m ] |
| Heim+at, home | ⭮ | ḥayy | ≡ | tribe, ward | | [ Whr ḥayy ] |
| | ḥawā | ≡ | to assemble, ~ own | hauma-at ≡ main parts | [ Whr ḥawā, ḥauma ] |
| | ḥ i m i ya | ≡ | being defended | ḥamy ≡ save haven | [ Whr ḥ i m i ya ] |
| home+stead | ⭮ | ḥayawāt | ≡ | ( public, family-) life | typical Semitic plural +at | [ Whr ḥayawāt ] |
| also is a mystic place, being loved, where one stems from, where one assembles and which one defends. This derivation carries over to Hampshire in southern England.
There are so many notions in this morphologic and semantic environment that any other etymology is unlikely. Even |
| | ummahāt | ≡ | ancestry, parents | +āt is plural | [ Whr umm ] |
| | umma | ≡ | folk, nation | plural is here +m | [ Whr umma ] |
| can be filed here. Thus the so far unexplained suffix +at [ KS Heimat ] becomes understandably.
Thus two of the four Arabic laryngeals are examined. The third Ain = ˁ gives with |
| |
| Ohm | ⭮ | ˁamm | ≡ | uncle, Ohm, Oheim | brother of father, of mother | [ Whr ˁamm ] |
| ≀ | | ≀ |
| wood | ⭮ | ˁud, ˁawad [plural] | ≡ | tree, trees( plural explains the w ) | German l is secondary | [ Whr ˁud ] |
| |
| a suprising diagram, in which only Oheim remains unexplained. |
| ☜ |
| |
| and of names of peoples and tribes along the coasts of the North Sea and the Baltic, i.e. the coasts of northern Europe, |
| ☞ | | | | table | folk names |
| Firstly, for the derivation of the name Phoenicians consider hyroglyphic wn ≡ take over a foreign country on the pharaonic stelae [ E&G 1 p 312 ] ( with w → f ), because that was exactly what Phoenicians where known for and what Egyptians didn't do – a striking feature of a foreign people. However, Egyptian f nḵ ≡ knowledgeable, prudential, expert [ Tak 2 p 573 ] with the meaning with respect to the sea and shipbuilding even fits better. This also translates the name Vanir from Pharaonic. The Phoenicians called themselves Kanaaniteans.
However, the *Vasconic pairing of high- and lowlanders can be compared to the Proto-Semitic Megalithicians and the inlanders: In |
| Phoenicians | ⭮ | fann i+un + su | ≡ | experts + water | ≡ fen+chu (Pharaonic) | [ Whr p 982 ] |
| ≀ | | ≀ |
| Pi ct (s) | ⭮ | f i d-d, *f i t | ≡ | inland( f i ≡ in ) | & internettranslation | [ Ven p 502 ] |
| several steps are necessary to derive the name Pict(s): Firstly there is an initial p only in Iraqi Arabic, and there it is used basically in loan words [ WBS ]. Hence either it has been lost in history or it didn't exist in Proto-Semitic at all. In both cases we assume Proto-Semitic *f, which only later became p, perhaps even at Roman times in Britain. The Romans encountered one of the four Semitic laryngeals, say the h, which became ch in their pronunciation. There is no need for a k herein, like in German.
In the same way T. Vennemann explains the numerous pit-, pett-place names on Pictish soil, all of them placed inland. His translation of gard+ is supported by that one of Andrew Breeze of card+ in Scottish place names, which is considered as Pictish [ Tay p 101 ].
Even more striking this interpretation - which denotes the Picts as culchies or mossbacks - matches the Picts, Latin pictones, in the back country of the coast of Brittany.
Hence it makes sense to look for more such etymologies from early Semitic ( here Assyrian ), especially in the north, for instance for the strategic T of the four hillforts |
| Mam Tor | ⭮ | mǎnaḫtu | ≡ | resting place, resort | to the west in secure distance | [ P&W p 59, |
| Carl Wark | ⭮ | karǎru + urruku | ≡ | to lay + long-drawn-out | r → l , urru → war , i.e. purely geo- | p 47 + p 130, |
| Wincocowe | ⭮ | unqu + gabru | ≡ | dale + hunchback | graphical, today Wincobank | p 129 + p 29, |
| Gardom's (Edge | ⭮ | garû + t amû | ≡ | make war + to vow | the southern tip | p 30 + p 122 ] |
| at the border between Yorkshire and Mercia. Archelogically their use remains unclear - we have to assume that in times of danger they were manned by garrisons and that this strategic site was enforced by further hillforts in this area.
Near Carl Wark the rock formation |
| Higger Tor | ⭮ | ḥaǧar⸻
⸻+ṭ urru | ≡
≡ | rock, stone
⸻+ ribbon(s) | this is exactly as it looks like❗ | [ R-L p 105 ]
[ P&W p 127, |
| supplements and strikingly perfects these derivations. Because of this precise description it should have had a natural nascency and no human use.
These five give rise to look for more etymologies in this areae: |
| Derwent | ⭮ | t ērub t u | ≡ | entry, entrance | nearness and direction of this river
match this borderline situation | p 124, |
| - but not necessarily this derivation must hold for the other three rivers Derwent in England. |
Bur+ns
+wark | ⭮ | b ī ru+nașû
⸻+urruku | ≡
≡ | ridge + make reach
⸻+ long-drawn-out | this is exactly as it looks like❗ | p 17 + p 246
+ p 130 ] |
| in southern Scotland illuminates Carl Wark strikingly.
Altogether we assume that Indo-European pressure from the south led to this frontier and this system of fortifications. |
| 👗 | Given these etymologies we now are able to outline the pre-history of Scotland . |
| ☟ |
Fünen, Fanø,
Venø | ⭮ | fann i+un | ≡ | Phoenicians | also the name Finns far east?
little island in the western Limfjord |
| Debel | ⭮ | ʤebel | ≡ | mountain | on Venø — what a surprise ❗ |
| Here the last island is especially interesting since the first megalithic explorers likely took the Limfjord for a shortcut, such avoiding an overland passage in the south and the dangerous route around Skagen in the north. So this presumably became a major hub for the exploration of the Baltic, and the Denish name for friend comes from those early explorers - like the Swedish word for nice and the northern men's name Finn.
☞ |
| Skan+dza | ⭮ | s i kan+? | ≡ | to settle + ? | also to deliver living space | [ WBS s-k-n ] |
| at first should hold for Skanör, then for Schonen, to be expanded for the whole of Scandi+navia. It remains to see why in the two northern countries d was substituted by g. That Sweden much later got its name from the northern tribes is due to its medieval history.
The ? sounds like the shifted Semitic suffix +i yye.
☜ |
| | kull | ≡ | all | overtaken or common | Swadesh word ? |
| Caledonians | ⭮ | kāl ī t | ≡ | mixed | | [ Whr kāl ī, |
| | kallulu, ḵalaḷa | ≡ | to league | a league of all Picts ❗ | [ P&W p 45 ], ḵalaḷa ] |
| obviously are all Megalithicians north of the Roman border, who couldn't be subdued by the Romans – probably because they leagued, which, however, later didn't work against the Scots from Ireland ?
The name of river Clyde should derive from this tribes name.
This tribe's name is formed in the same way as those of Dacians, Deutsche and Allemanni.
The closeness of kull and all is striking. Has there been a common Swadesh word with initial one of the four (Arabic) laryngeals, which vanished in the Indo-European languages, but developed in Semitic to k ?
☟ | [ KS all, allo– ]
|
| Frisians | ⭮ | f uraš | ≡ | to expand | posts along the coast | [ WBS f-r-š ] |
| The shape of the original area of the Friesian language from the Flemish coast to the island of Sylt shows, that they expanded along the coast by ship - over land this shape would be completely different. Therefore the megalithisation followed the coastline by ship from the British isles.
As an stand alone language Frisian could have developed later during the era of the Jastorf-culture, probably even much later after the Migration Period. Anyway, it is worthwhile to examine the Friesian language for traits of early Semitic, which are not contained in other Germanic languages, in the same way as this is done in English since 200 years.
However, this etymology competes with a later one from the Indo-European tribes name Brieger, and it remains open which one is better.
☞ |
| Viking(s) | ⭮ | wak i i ح | ≡ | bold, brave, rude | conquerers ! | [ WBS w-k-ح ] |
| This characterisation is typical for an invading people and in this early era also for their relation to the local people. Since the invading Megalithicians preferred to settle at the end of a bay, this led to the name Wiek for any bay. Hence a Viking is not a person settling at the end of a bay but a w i ek is a place where a Viking settles down.
☜ |
| Wagrians | ⭮ | w-q-r | ≡ | honorable | Wagrien in eastern Holsatia | [ WBS w-q-r ] |
| This etymology replaces a Slavic one. Also a derivation from Varagians, the Vikings of the Baltic, or of the Vikings themselves is excluded: Exchanging consonants in a language based on consonants is a little less likely. If so, then it must have happened later at a time when the original megalithic language long since has been replaced by the new Proto-Germanic one. That is why the etymology of Varagians remains open.
This tribes name carries over to the invading Slavic Obodrits, ≡ People of Knowledge, the name of whose we look at as typical Semitic and whose clergy we assume as megalithic. It signals a certain center of thought, connected to the Kings Way from the Mellingburg ( on the river Alster ) to Lübeck (Buku). Therefore this also may have been the title of a lineage, which was able to extend its territory to the north over the whole of Wagrien.
☟ |
| C i mbr i | ⭮ | qambar | ≡ | to place at the helm | meaning instead height here helm | [ Spi p 362 ] |
| living at the northern tip of the Cimbrian peninsula. This geographical fact surely is recognized first when exploring by ship from the west.
Like Caledonians, Franks and Saxons the Cimbri incorporate several tribes.
☟ |
| Wendel | ⭮ | waţan + l i | ≡ | native + towards / at / to | also fatherland, homestead | [ WBS w-ţ-n ] |
| This area in the north of Jutland surely has been especially attractive when settled from the British Isles and probably played a role as a trading route towards Schleswig and Holstein as a stop over between the North Sea and the Baltic.
Revealing - the name Vendle Folk for a peninsula at the western inlet into the Limfjord, which in due time may have been part of Vendsyssel - when today's inlet was closed by sandbanks and a more southern one was open.
With the loss of importance and perhaps because of natural and climate disasters it became the starting point of the major waves of depopulation, from the historic Cimbri to the Vandals ( this is the etymology of this Germanic tribe ) upstream river Oder into Silesia till the first Germanic invasion into Britain by the Jutes - initially the megalithic settling around the Baltic.
▇ ✚Like for many place names in Denmark we find the fit |
| Dane(s) | ⭮ | dān | ≡ | to adopt a religion | the converted, believer(s) | [ Spi p 168 ] |
| to the dating of the first wave of immigration around 4200 bChr and a second some 500 years later. This second one was a religious-ideological one which led to new burial rites and the megalithic tombs. Such ,reformations' are typical for the hebrew-christian-moslem religions.
Either the colonies east of Hinterpomerania have not been touched or these territories sticked to the old believe. Possibly there were religious escapees.
Because the Danes migrated from Halland and Schonen to the west as late as the early Middle Age their homeland before was the eastern borderlands of the megalith-culture in Scandinavia.
☟
This immediately leads to name of the |
| Baltics | ⭮ | balṭ | ≡ | deserter, silly, impudent | complementary to catholic | [ Spi p 140 ] |
| for the orthodox believers, which expanded to all tribes of the Baltic area. This interpretation is supported by balaḍ ≡ to flee [ Stg p 140 ]. bāladiyy ≡ hillbilly, aboriginal also fits like balaṭ ≡ remote for the far east of the Baltic Sea. Against this plenty - it is impossible that all these words moved from Germanic into Arabic - the usual translation balta'iyy ≡ bold [p 139] somewhat dwarfs, but is interesting since it is the Germanic name of a gothic dynasty, second behind the Amaler.
▇ ✚ |
| Sweden | ⭮ | sawwad | ≡ | to becloud, to darken | land in dark north | [ WBS s-w-d ] |
| Possibly climate worsening and flooding forced the Cimbri, Vandals and Jutes to leave the Jutish peninsula, especially Vendel. Later Danes from Halland und Schonen moved into the emptied peninsula. At the same time Gothic tribes from Gotland moved into the delta of the river Vistula and the Ruotsi from Roslagen into Russia. This enabled the Sveas from the north to slowly overtake the whole of Sweden -
without the Mediterranian ancestry of the megalith-culture
this would be an unbelievable coincidence ❗
Guess - not only one but several of the numerous Schwedenschanzen in the megalithic areas of northern Germany were not used by resp. not named after Swedish troops of the 30 years war but instead long before by resp. after the megalithic superstrat from Scandinavia.
However, nowadays Arabic asū j for Sweden is closer to the Swedish name Sverige of Sweden.
☟
This immediately brings up the question of the Gothic areas and tribes with a Sumeric |
| Gotar | ⭮ | gud, guṭu | ≡ | warrior(s) | typical superstrat a notion | [ Ppl II p 107, 874. ] |
| | qa:d i r | ≡ | efficient, able | developing into Goths and Gu(n)ter | [internettranslation] |
| derivation - originating the Goths as a kind of troupe like the Burgundians - and a purely Semitic one. A semantic bridge between both is somewhat unlikely. The Semitic one avoids the question of another direct contact between Ural-Altaic and Indo-European peoples according to Parpolas Sumer-Suomi-Samen-theory. After the megalithic language was substituted by the new Germanic language the Semitic +r was understood as plural and transferred by the Roman historians into the Latin world.
Adding nasalisation we also get the name of the king of the Burgundians with
the same meaning as the *Vasconic name Eg i l in the song of Wieland❗
☜
This holds for the - only sparsely passed down - |
| |
| | ⎰axs | ≡ | human being, man | this etymology being possible, how- | [internettranslation] |
| Chauk i | ⭮ | ⥥╱ | | | ( no semantic bridge ) |
| | šakānu | ≡ | providing,
setting up, installing | ever, this older one fits much better | [ P&W ] |
| |
| from the openings of river Weser and river Elbe up to (?) Magdeburg. The first etymology would be of the kind of Semnones resp. Alemanni but is too general for this limited region. The second one simply is more likely, implying that the Chaukii were the topmen of the megalithic affairs between the British Isles and along river Elbe - which, however, in the Germanic ear long since was broken off. We derive Saxons differently - given that the Chaukii had vanished from the written records some 300 years earlier.
The diagram of tribes and dynastiesilluminates the genesis of the peoples names and gives rise to the guess, that neighboring centers competed with each other, trying to overwhelm their neighbors. This includes all kinds of relations, even wars.
We follow a different track in Chauc i, which describes the breakthrough of the Indo-Europeans through the fortified Elbe-line, being reported in the Nibelungensaga.
☜ |
Angeln,
Eng(+land | ⭮ | m i nkala | ≡ | angle meter | kāla, čaal, kayy i l ≡ to measure | [ Whr p 1310 ] |
| is Semitic as well - because of kêl ≡ measure, gauge, rate and kayyāl ≡ (ground) surveyor, gauger [ Spi p 177 ], [ R-L p 436 ], [ Stg p 908 ]. Hence this direction of overtaking is likely.
There is no Indo-European link for angle, Winkel [ KS ]. Since to measure always implies to look at, probably +kala comes from qahal ≡ view [ Stg p 868 ].
Presumably navigation by angular measurement came with the Megalithicians from the Mediterranian and was invented early when shipping developed from a mere sailing in sight of the coast to sailing long distances far outside over sea. Certainly it played a role in the construction of megalithic large scale-ups like Stonehenge and the Egyptian pyramids.
Geograpically the polygonal landskip Angeln is placed between the Flensburg Förde in the north and the inlet Schlei in the south, but without the strip along the North Sea. It has no sharp border in the west. Hence this situation may be called in the corner ≡ im Winkel - and even land tongue, like in the case of Anglesey below.
The sound shifts m ↔ w , k ↔ g and the vanishing of the first w in English angle and in German (Tur)Angel ≡ hinge are not uncommon.
How simple herein the jump over the onomatopoetic border hard-soft is, which is easily seen in German r(o)und-eckig - both probably from Semit(id)ic - displays |
| Schlange, eel | ⭮ | ˁank i l ī s | ≡ | eel | Syrian ˀankal i s [ Whr p 50 ] | [ Stg p 732 ] |
| with initial instead of final s. English snake, Latin anguīlla and German schlank (≡ slim), schlingen (≡ to swallow) thus get their explanations [ KS ]. Adding the semantic neighborhood of l i s+ān ≡ tongue, Zunge [Stg p 295] one gets as simplest assumption that of one or two common Semit(id)ic and Indo-European word fields.
☞ |
| Also the name of the Germanics itself has an elegant Semiti(di)c etymology: |
| Ger+ | ⭮ | qarra + | ≡ | (to) settle down and stay + | | [ WrK p 374 ] |
| +man+ | ⭮ | man | ≡ | this / that one | | [Whr p 1224] |
| solves a controversal discussion of 200 years. Linguistically even closer is |
| Ger+ | ⭮ | qara ˁ | ≡ | boldness | | [ Spi boldness ] |
| to the main part of this name. However, this does not explain history as neatly as in Sudanese Arabic |
| Ger+ | ⭮ | qār / gār | ≡ | raid, sack, looting, plunder | | [ R-L p 402 ] |
| the comparable aggressive behavior of invaders. Even |
| Ger+ | ⭮ | qarr | ≡ | to quarrel | several meanings | [R-L p 400] |
| fits herein. This also delivers the Semitic etymology of the Garaman ts of the North African desert, who clearly are not in the least relative. That the syllable +man+ can move to the word end is shown by |
| | kull-man | ≡ | everybody who | | [ WBS p 409, p 444 ] |
| in Iraqi Arabic. However, the root of all this |
| | | karāru + | ≡ | (to) locate, set up, launch + | see also qarābu ≡ (to) arrive | [ P&W p 47 + |
| Ger+ | ⭮ | qerû + | ≡ | (to) invite, call + | that is exactly our proposition ❗ | p 87 + |
| manic(s) | ⭮ | mannu | ≡ | whoever, anyone who | | p 60 ] |
| must be looked for in Assyrian, the oldest Semitic, passed down by cuneiform tablets.
The name Germanics for the expanding northern periphery of the Indo-European urnfield-culture in Mecklenburg and Brandenburg was introduced by the Megalithicians of Scandinavia and originates in their Semitic language. With the expansion of these people and their new language it moved north into Scandinavia and south
- until after 222 bChr it was picked up by the Romans to denote all these people.
☜ |
| as well as of landscape - and place names according to the wysiwyg-principle, i.e. the local geography. The geographical dictionary, following the historical megalithisation from Cadiz around the Iberian peninsula and in northern Europe from east to west, becomes |
| | | | | table toponyms |
| ✠ | mu+l aaḥa ظ a | ≡ | observation, awareness | bees and their honey exist every- | [ Qaf p 539 ] |
| Ma l ta | ⭮ | ma t l aˤ | ≡ | starting point, break, lookout, | outsetmmmmmmmmmwhere around | [ WrC p 565 ] |
| | la ţ ţ a | ≡ | slight touch | add the prefix mu+ | [ B&H p 789 ] |
| | ba ᦱ i l t u | ≡ | large, major ( b → m ) | an older jung-Babylonian derivation | [ BGP p 37 ] |
| replaces a bee, honey folk-etymology by a geographical-nautical one: Malta is situated a little more to the south than Tunis. Whence Phoenician see travels from the Levant to Carthage left Malta untouched to the south - since Carthage and not Malta was the main destination. Malta therefore was a southern landmark.
The nautical situation relative to Sicily - the main wind direction being west - makes the above Belt-etymology also attractive.
In the second row we have to permute adjacent t and l.
However, the fourth entry ma j or is the most simple and moreover the oldest
- and therefore the most likely - derivation.
We find here the same type of naming as for Bornholm, as this archipelago is alike to that one of the Channel Islands - referring to naming as well.
Like this naming of Malta describes the approach to this archipelago, leaving towards Carthage is described by |
| Gozo | ⭮ | gusû
qaṭ (aᒼa)
| ≡
≡
| destination of boat?
to cross an ocean
| jung-Babylonian
after a long voyage from Gaza
Carthage is no longer far off | [BGP p 97]
[ Qaf p 774, p 776 ]
|
| - mirrowed. Both etymologies replace convincingly the common Greek ones - because the Maltese temples precede the Greek langauge - the Indo-European bulk of which only entered Greece with the Acheans - (2000) bChr.
Likewise the meaning of the name of the little, central island − like German Jumne − |
| | kânu(m) | ≡ | to make secure for ... | old-Assyrian | [BGP p 146] |
| Comino | ⭮ | kunūn | ≡ | seek shelter, calm down | protected inlet with safe har-
bor on the western coast | [ WrC p 841 ] |
| | ka'm i:n | ≡ | ambush, (to) waylay | already at the temple-era ? | [internettranslation] |
| of this archipelago has to be looked for not in Greek but in (early) Semitic, something like sail along but seek shelter in case of - in A. Bonanno's words much more barren than the other two larger islands [ Bnn p 83 ]. In these two derivations we find a time-order relation: After erstwhile the geographical one was used, playing with words the historical role of Comino became relevant - compare with T. Vennemann's derivations of I re + land and Britain [ Ven ].
Continuing by sea to the west one encounters the - known for volcanism and hot gales, today Italian - island Pantelleria |
| |
| Cossyra | ⭮ | sagû
saḫaru | ≡
≡ | to veer, swerve
to surround | Assyrian, needs ⇄ and ḫ → c | [P&W p 96] |
| |
| Qawsra[Malt] |
| ↓ | ⭮ | kasar | ≡ | to veer, swerve | in Egyptian Arabic | [B&H p 749] |
| Cossyra[Greek] |
| on the - thus not exacly direct - way to Carthage. kws ⭯ koos ≡ hot wind in summer [Qaf p 509] also may have played a role.
All these derivations are endorsed by the only Semitic-Arabic etymology of the two tiny uninhabited islands Fi l f l a, some 5 km south of temple ruins on the main island - felfel ≡ pepper corn, which, however, may also have arrived much later.
Clearly these names later were adapted to the Greek language. Melita for instance is a place name north of Lamia in Attica and Comino may be understood as on the way - befittingly. Only Gozo defies all meaningful non-Semitic attempts.
Since the closest Arabic dialect to Maltese is spoken on Cyprus - by only some 1200 Maronites [ Brg p 30 ] - we infer that the temple builders of Malta came by ship from the east and developed their religious high culture only after and locally.
A circle of bolders is submerged at At l i Yam in front of the coast of the Levant. Another circle of stones is at Rujm el-Hiri on the Golan - 16 km east of this coast - both in the Fertile Crescent.
Also it seems to be the archetypes of labyrinths and spirals, which may have spread from there.
Also because of that we assume the same derivation for Gaza in Palestine as for Gozo. A candidate for a first colony on the voyage from the Levant to the west is |
| Kurma j i t | ⭮ | qurbu | ≡ | close to | at a northern cape of Cyprus | [ P&W p 89, |
| - still today speaking a Maronite Semitic language, the closest relative of Maltese. In fact we assume them to be the last descendants of the Eteocypriots.
☜
This points straight on to a second one at a northern cape of Crete |
| Olous | ⭮ | u l l i š | ≡ | later, thereafter | part of another typical name
on this sea route | p 128 ]
[BGP] |
| - being in permanent conflict with the, later Dorian, colony Lato, and partly resettled to the, later Ionian colony Neapolis after a devastating earthquake submerged part of the city. 10 km south of Olous |
| Kamara | ⭮ | kamāru | ≡ | to pile up, accumulate | the harbor of the city of Lato? | [BGP], [P&W] |
| seems to have been a city of magazines for the city of Lato further inland. From Olous in the direction of western Crete - impressing walls still visible - |
| Drero+s | ⭮ | durû | ≡ | city wall, fortress | placed in strategic situation | [ BGP p 62 ] |
| was heavily fortified by a citywall, obviously bearing the bulk of the permanent conflict with not related neighbors. On the eastern coast the - for sure Assyrian - place name |
| Zakro+s | ⭮ | zaqāru, saqāru | ≡ | (to build very) high | an early settlement on a hill | [ Sacrow ] |
| leads to the conclusion, that Olous not only was an isolated colony on Crete, but that the whole eastern peninsula was first settled by Semitic-speaking seafarer from the Levant. The name of the Eteocretan capital - this is a passed down tale - |
Praiso+s |
⭮ | purussû | ≡ | (to) pass a legal ver-
dict of divine dispositions |
in the geographical middle of | [ BGP p 279, |
| | parāṣu | ≡ | (to) perform rites | Crete's eastern peninsula | p 266 ] |
| also makes the Eteocretan - the genuine Cretan - Semit(id)ic speaking.
Inmidth of the eastern peninsula there is a fertile high plain, known for numerous windmills. Pelasgian |
| Las i th i | ⭮ | lasto
lastoa | ≡
≡ | straw
Spreu | *Vasconic → Basque | [ Lha lasto ]
[internettranslation] |
| gives rise to the assumption that also on the eastern peninsula the first settlers were Pelasgians, who used a wind-based technique for threshing grains.
Herein linguistically interesting is Morvan's observation [ Mor ] on the ethnicity of Basque: The double consonant +st+ comes from a later erasing of the vocal + i +.
Near the southern coast - still part of the eastern peninsula - |
| Messara | ⭮ | ma + ṣēru | ≡ | very + plain | Assyrian ṣêru → Akkadian | [BGP p 337],
[P&W p 104] |
| is a plain, still today famous for being fertile. On top of a northern mountain range |
Phaistos ←
pa-i-to | ⭮ | pa i tu+m | ≡ | side | language of Mari | [BGP p 274] |
| has its name passed down in Liner B. Its harbor |
| Kommo+s | ⭮ | kamû
kūmu | ≡
≡ | outer
in place of | Babylonian
Akkadian | [BGP p 154]
[P&W p 51] |
| is situated 6 km off. In the eastern part of Crete there is the horseshue-like mountain range |
D i k t e
|
⭮
| dakka+ā t [pl]
t a ḵ t
ḍ i ḡ ṭ | ≡
≡
≡ | crushed rock, rubblestone
platform, box
maze, bunch |
a bunch of mountains around | [WrC p 288,
p 92,
p 542] |
| with several platform-like plateaus. The last line has the best vocalisation but a labyrinth still has to be uncovered. To the south |
| Ma t a l a | ⭮ | matāru | ≡ | spectled | even old-Babylonian, l ← r,
with still visible caves | [BGP p 204],
[P&W p 63] |
| has its numerous caves still in use. And at the border between the Semitic east and the non-Semitic west |
| Knosso+s | ⭮ | kanāšu | ≡ | force into submission | forcibly uniting Minoan Crete | [ P&W p 46 ] |
| later became the capital of the Minoan culture, which florished until the outbreak of the volcano of Santorin. Because of |
| | kanāzu, kanāšu | ≡ | store away, assemble | items, people | [ BGP p 145 ] |
| it may have started as a store or market, assembling power by trade and became afterwards the capital of the Minoan culture.
The main shipping route from the Levant to Cartage followed the northern coast where the dangers of shipping have been less than along the southern coast of Crete. So we expect Semitic colonies also in the non-Semitic western part of the island. Assuming that the western part of Crete remained settled by Pelasgians from Attika we get Semitic and Basque names for the same place |
| Candia | ⭮ | gannātu | ≡ | garden | same naming as in Crete ↓ | [BGP p 90] |
| Heraklion | ⭮ | i ra i k i | ≡ | to erect a wall | same naming as in Athens | [Lha p 530] |
| at the border area of the two languages. The first one is neo-Babylonian, the second one leading to the founding myth to be built by Herac+les. |
Chania
⮅ |
⭮ | kuddunu
k i d i nnu | ≡
≡ | to seek shelter
divine protection | jung-Babylonian
old-Babylonian | [BGP p 164]
[BGP p 156] |
| ku-do-n+i j a | | k(h) i de+n | ≡ | companion, associate | *Vasconic | [Lha p 602] |
| further to the west, however, only has one name which sounds similar in both languages and has slightly different meanings. The Basque suffix +n is added after a vocal or is a locative, i.e. makes a noun a place name [p 760], like the Semitic suffix +i j e indicates a place name.
🏞 The whole island has the most obvious and simple Assyrian etymology
- namely for sure attracting attention by the prehistorical seefarer - |
| Crete | ⭮ | k i r ī t u | ≡ | garden | today crop instead of woods | [ P&W p 50 ] |
| - referring to the rich flora which still prevails today. We follow Homer in associating this name with the Eteocretes.
🌋The shipping route to the west passes south of the island of Santorin, whose name |
| Thera | ⭮ | qa+tāru | ≡ | to smoke, incense | Babylonian | [BGP], [P&W] |
| such gives an impression of how the volcano was looking like before its huge outbreak b Chr. The prefix may be a shortening of qāᦱ i u ≡ queasy [p 86] or kai+ānu ≡ constantly [p 44] wherein the second syllable means to and may be shortened to a in old-Assyrian [BGP p 16]. |
| 🏞 |
Given these etymologies we now try to outline the pre-history of Crete .
|
| For sailing to Sicily - to cut short a long detour north, then west, then south again - |
| Kyθ era | ⭮ | qa ᦱ ᦱ û + darû | ≡ | to wait for + intercalate | no vulcanism here, θ ← d | [ P&W p 86+p 21 ] |
| is the steppingstone. Sailing as the crow flies from here is the longest distance without sight of land in the whole Mediterranian, travelling in convois is straightforward. And this island has a vast Semitic mythology.
☜
Hence has the tragedy of Idomeneo from Crete startet on this shortcut to |
| Ga l l i pol i | ⭮ | kallumu
kalû | ≡
≡ | (to) expose, make apparent
(to) intercept, halt | peninsula on the sou-
thern coast of Calabria | [ P&W p 45 ] |
| - being the most suitable stop-over on mainland Italy, founded by this Eteocretian prince? |
| I+domen+eo | ⭮ | da ᦱ ānu
danānu | ≡
≡ | powerful, mighty
(to be) strong | t i ger also being an option,per-
haps a dynastic title originally
| [ P&W p 19 ] |
| - both names are of cuneiform-Semitic origin. His story was tranferred by Homer in time to the much later era of the Trojan War and in space near to Crete. The tragedy originates in a winter gale on sea and the most likely place is that shortcut to Gallipoli across the open sea.
The similarity to the Nibelungenlied is obvious.
Because of damāmu ≡ to bemoan the story may be an early invention in search of an etymology of this name.
🌋 |
| Sicily | ⭮ | z i l zā l | ≡ | earthquake(s) | because of the volcanos | [ Qaf p 295 ],
[ WrC p 380 ] |
| or, since the shipping route was closer to Malta and its safe harbors than to Sicily, šās i ≡ great distance, far may also have played a role herein. |
| ✠ | Given these etymologies we now are able to outline the pre-history of Malta . |
| ☟ |
| Lisbon | ⭮ | lazza+uhba | ≡ | to unite+prepare | also + gear, fittings | [ Whr lazza + uhba ] |
| is a meeting point to fit out, and whence not the final destination of a journey from the Mediterranian area northwards. The only question is - when? Usually one assumes 1200 b Chr, or, as we assume here, 3000 years earlier !
☟ |
| Tajo | ⭮ | taḡ r | ≡ | f jord | also in Al+en+tejo | [ Whr taḡr ] |
| is like Truro in Corn+wall a rather exact description of the river mouth and surely has been known to the early seefarers and an appreciated place to ship.
Because of ˁ i la ˁan ≡ bis [WBS p 43] Alentejo simply means the landskip up to the Tejo from the mountain range, on which southern side the Algarve is.
☟ |
| Belem | ⭮ | balam | ≡ | skiff, dhau, sailboat | only in Iraqi Arabic | [ WBS p 43 ] |
| replaces a much too late but pious etymology by a more suitable maritime one. Because the role of this place wast of Lisbon as a starting point for discover journeys may have been a very old one - of the megalithic people northwards. The sails must have been triangular of the Lateen-type. Since on the other hand ballaam+a ≡ oarsman, this etymology does not give any hint for the moving of the ships.
Only the discovering of wrecks can give a solution to this open question. And - does this word originate in the Sumerian language?
☟ | [Whr p 111] |
| A Coruna | ⭮ | al qarn | ≡ | the horn | more of those along the coast? | [ Whr qarn ] |
| delivers besides Cornwall and the Horn of Africa the most western example for this naming, wherein the article spares the search for the second, descriptive part of this name. Moreover the Galicean version even can have been overtaken directly from Proto-Semitic. Clearly the early Semitic seafarer have been here and knew this characteristic peninsula north of the modern city. However, this name also can have been that of the whole province. |
| Feal | ⭮ | fal ḥ, f i lāḥa | ≡ | to plow, plowing | also fellah | [Whr p 979] |
| is situated at the end of longstretched, firthlike bay, which surely was well-known to the megalithic people. And widens to a populated area. On the other side of the narrow passage lies |
| Ferrol | ⭮ | faraˁa + l i حag | ≡ | junction + following | also laح حag ≡ to pass by (sailing) | [Whr p 956] |
| at a branching of the bay. Like today this place served as a protection of the area, like the counterpart | [ WBS p 418 ] |
| Mu+gard+os | ⭮ | mu+qart (+os | ≡ | very+town (+os | +os is a Romanisation | [ KS gard ] |
| on the southern shore of the entrance to a long firth. Also on the southern shore lies |
| O Ramo | ⭮ | O +) raml | ≡ | O +) sand |
| on top of a sandy beach of a shallow bay. At the helm of a north-west cape we find the place name |
| A Fonte Tella | ⭮ | A Fonte +) tell (+a | ≡ | A Fonte +) mountain (+a |
| It even is possible that this dangerous cape together with some more at this Cantabrian northern coast has been avoided by some passages over land.
These two places are situated north of the Douro, where there has been no Arabic conquest in the early Middle Age or even any temporary occupation. This would have been too short for any substantial settlement. However, to have no Semitic naming for sure occurs only from Asturia eastwards, which never has been touched by Moors in the Middle Age, or at most a few years. Therefore the Reconquista originates here, which 700 years later led to a complete christian Spain.
☟ |
| | satara+i yye | ≡ | shielded + area | +i yye means an area | [Whr p 551] |
| Asturia | ⭮ | tasattur | ≡ | concealment | behind the Cantabrian mountains | [ Spi p 84 ] |
| | saṭur | ≡ | row, ledger, line | maning strip | [Whr p 570] |
| is a strip along the northern coast of Spain, shielded by high mountains against the south - which stopped the Moorish conquest. In the north a converse current of the gulf stream means danger for shipping. Probably some of the most dangerous capes where shortened over land. The loss of many ships could have led to a stop for many ships, waiting for better weather. It even may be that the discovery of the Bretonic coast only happened accidentally, due to a ship dislocated by a storm.
However, this etymology competes with T. Vennemann's older *Vasconic one ast+ur+ a ≡ rock + water + the [ V&N p 417 ], which also fits well geographically.
By no means this name should be derived from the Moorish intermezzo of a few years in the early Middle Ages.
⛵
It is impossible on the way north not to touch the Vacetic islands. Indeed on both larger ones there are archeological discoveries of that early time - on the northern one even a menhir. |
| Île d') Oléron | ⭮ | al) rāḥa
al) rūḥān ī | ≡
≡ | the) recreation, rest
clergyman, holy | its role in Roman times continues
a passed on very early tradition | [ WrC p 365 ] |
| describes this island as a secure and sophisticated retreat - which even may have been holy - resisting for a long time the impact of the Indo-Europeans, first of the Venetians, later of the Celts.
At the Scottish westcoast there are several islands Oron+sey - without initial article but the Nordic word for island added. Since christian buildings often were erected upon earlier ones, the lower etymology there is more likely.
Further north the |
[ Ca l ] |
| Île de) Ré | ⭮ | rads | ≡ | leveling | describes salt production | [WrC p 335 ] |
| early was mentioned as Rat i s. Since it is presumably composed of three or four smaller islands, which were connected by artificial salt pans in shallow water, leveling is a stunning hit ! It's byname the White One refers to those salterns.
That salt and its production has been an important technology of the megalithic people, can be seen by the dating of excavations in Yorkshire [ She ].
There are two legends, which relate this island to the eastern Mediterranean: 🏃 One tells of refugees from Antiochia, i.e. from the north of the Levant, and earth quakes, which there are more frequent than at the Atlantic coast, 🏃 the other tells of religious refugees from the Egypt of the pharao Remses II, who erected a small pyramid near a narrow isthmus of this island. The two proper nouns herein sound as being invented later - in the Roman era or even later. But the religious turmoil involved may have been that one of the pharao Echnaton, which relates this legend to the Firbolgs of Irish prehistory. This reading of the two legends gives the second component of a Müller- Hirt-diagram of the Vacetic archipelago - more as for the other place names. Only DNA-analysis of human or animal remains and new archeological discoveries could complete this diagram.
|
| to) martyr | ⭮ | marṭ i ya | ≡ | dirge | close to the pyramid ? | [WrC] |
| and the same may hold for neighboring Les Prises. But it remains open whether this took place where the refugees came from or on the Ré island at the pyramid.
Contrary to these two islands the somewhat northern |
| Île d') Yeu | ⭮ | al la | ≡ | Allah | secure, because of its 20 km dis-
tance into the Bay of Biscay |
| is bestrewn with megalitic tombs and nearly a necropolis, comparable only to the eastern shore of lake Müritz in Mecklenburg. That site is protected not by water but by impenetrable swamps and marshes.
⛵ |
| Mo+rbihan | ⭮ | rubūb ī ya
r i bā ᒼ | ≡
≡ | divinity, deity
home, residence | thus shifting a Celtic etymology back-
wards to the earlier megalithic era | [ WrC p 320
p 322] |
| is the name of the huge inlet and the province across the Bay of Biscay, like the Île d' Yeu a central place of the megalith-culture. We thus look at these two locations in tandem being the residence of some kind of deity.
⛵ |
| Sena [La t] | ⭮ | sana عa | ≡ | trade, further processing | in French Île de Sein - compare | [ Hansa ] |
| is a small island some 8 ㎞ in the west of the western tip of the Bretagne, surrounded by cliffs and roaring winds, such that sailing through this passage is extremely dangerous. Menhirs prove that it was settled during the megalithic age. Possibly the island was used as a storage yard and trans-shipment center for the trade between the Mediterranean and the north, since its isolated location in the Atlantic made it a secure site for a nation which ruled the waves. The menhirs were kind of Roland posts and national emblems.
• We assume that it was headed for from the north and the south by the megalithic traders. They placed their merchandise at the narrow to avoid sailing through the passage or far outside around the whole area, which was likewise dangerous.
• Sena phonetically is even closer to the Arabic word for trade than Hansa. Nevertheless, this is another convincing etymology! Since above all one can derive the name Seine in the same way. For sure the river Seine was a trading route early, even south of Paris, the islands of which make it an early, attractive and easy to defend marketplace.
• Also a very strong argument are copper artefacts from the Orme mine in North Wales, which are plentiful along the valley of river Seine [ W&L Figure 9 ]. These copper findings even show a shortcut from river Loire to river Seine, avoiding the dangerous detour by ship around Brittany.
☟ |
| Pointe du Raz | ⭮ | ras | ≡ | cape | Pointe ≡ tip means a doubling |
| is more likely than a Norman-Germanic etymology, since those were much too late for being the source of the naming of such an extreme headland. Moreover the Normandy is too far apart, and because of the treacherous currents and winds sailing ships used to sail around at a large distance. A Norman settlement here makes therefore no sense!
The somewhat more southern peninsula Rhuys for sure has been a heartland of the megalith-culture. The same derivation replaces one from a much later, not passed on Celtic name.
We find the same geographical situation at the tiny island Raz south of Alderney, which, however, later became Norman.
At the coast of the Vendée this place name occurs several times for capes, which were derived exactly this way from Semitic origin by
the late historian of the Pays de Retz Émile Boutin [ Liste des seigneus, barons et ducs de Retz ] ❗
At the south-west corner of Ireland there is the place name Ros (Láir) with the translation peninsula. Since Vennemann also understands the opposite Scilly Islands this way, the Proto-Semitic etymology is the most likely one.
However, for Ross+island in Lough Leane in south-west Ireland the geographical situation is a little less comparable. This peninsula in the inland today is connected to the mainland. The connotation with our theory is given by copper mining, which started during the 2nd half of the 3rd millenium bChr and is characterized by bell beaker findings. Even if it took place by local people - it was the aim of the first colonisation of the north. When considerably later bronze replaced copper, Britain, the tin island, came into sight. Clearly the Megalithicians may have transferred metal mining to the north.
The south-west corner of Wales is a peninsula with islands in front, like the Pointe du Raz. There we find the name Rhos. At landsend of the peninsula 🕋Gower we find Rhos i l i ⭮ raz+ˁa l ī y ≡ cape + high ( in comru spelling ) [ Whr p 874 ], [ Qaf p 442 ].
Roos+ay is a stretched, rocky island between the Isle of Skye and the Scottish west coast, coming into view for seafarer from the south as a landmark - hence the name cape + island. From here up to the east coast Ross, which presumably erstwhile was the name for the entire north of Scotland. This implies to taking this Viking name for closer to its megalithic origin than any Celtic form - there is no need of folk-etymology here.
Gaelic-Celtic ross ≡ headland exactly like in Semitic is another linguistic indication for the megalithic sea travels around Western Europe.
The Skage+rak between Norway and Denmark becomes a cape, where the sea calms, shorter cape calm. Clearly for culchies by no means it is calm, lest the Pacific, which sometimes is called calm. But taking the ferry from Norway to Frederikshavn one can feel this name.
The peninsula Rösnäs (Røsnæs) in the west of Denish Seeland controls the entrance to the Great Belt.
Ros+lagen, used for naming by Finns and Estonians, here fits also, because this triangle in the middle of Sweden noses into the Baltic. One of their leaders was named Rurik, the ancestor of the Russian tsars, Arabic Rurik ⭮ raqrāq ≡ brilliant, grand, outstanding [ Whr raqrāq ], which dates this name back into the megalithic era. Perhaps this was a surname or a title only - which leads to the astonishing result, that both, the first and the last Rurik Iwan, shared this surname Grosny. And not only the French and the English, but also the Russians got their name from a Semitic language.
Also striking is how this expression entered the Baltic dialect of the Schalauer with the meaning place, flown around: In the delta of river Memel this led to the place name Ruß, given a frequent change between an insula and a peninsula.
German räß for sharp, without Indo-European link-up [ KS ], also is an element in this morphologic vicinity.
☟
That we here find the name of the Vanir family of gods |
| Pointe du Van | ⭮ | (Phoeniciens) | ≡ | cape Vanir | a bay of wrecks and skeletons |
| makes the identification of the early city of Nantes with the capital Noatun of the Vanir more likely. From a geographical point of view this fits well, but the return of the beautiful giantess Skadi to her forests and wolfs means a very long journey. For this we have to find more of such place names between here and the Jutish peninsula.
⛵
Around the Brittany in the Normandy, with its numerous megalithic monuments, |
| Caen | ⭮ | kadw | ≡ | ford
to wade across a river | 1024 mentioned as Cadun | [ WrC p 248 ] |
| is situated on river Ouse where the earliest bridge spans an earlier ford. This replaces a much later Celtic etymology, referring to a hypothetical battle or deployment field.
For the entire province at the Norman coast, still today loved for delivering foods, |
| Cal+vad+os | ⭮ | kull ← (mu')+
wadd + (ʔ i:ja) | ≡ | all ← stark
foods | os ← ʔ i:ja only suffix | [Internettranslation] |
| replaces a more inappropriate etymology by two stones in front of the coast, which may be fitting as in case of Biarritz for a location but not for the entire province.
• Conceivably there was an early delivering of foods across the
Channel to Stonehenge during its construction. This food was traded for metals, especially copper, as sugguests the map [ W&L Figure 9 ].
• There is a striking morphologic and semantic similarity to Klocksin - arrange the two etymologies in a commutative diagram and chase the probability of coincidence around.
🗼This gives rise to ask for the etymology of |
| Paris | ⭮ | Brieger | ≡ | name of the
urnfield culture people | Brieger and Venetians, compare | [ Bres+lau,Pi
Preß+burg ] |
| with b → p easy to explain, except for the date of that minor sound shift. Thus there is not only a geographical, but also a morphological analogy between the two names.
Clearly the people of the urnfield-culture touched Paris on their way west into the Vendée and came into contact with the megalith-culture of the north exactly here. This took place in the course of the great wanderings shortly after 1250 bChr and well before the Celtic expansion after (800) bChr. This name even can be backtraced to Sumerian.
⛵ |
| Corn(+wall | ⭮ | qarn (+ welsh | ≡ | horn (+ welsh | meaning hor n of the Welsh | [all dictionaries] |
| This semitic etymology competes with a Celtic and even a proto Indo-Europeam one [ KS Horn ]. Since the Arabaic morphologic vicinity is huge, qarana ≡ to connect, between two things and qurna ≡ corner, we conclude on a common protoword and prefer this atlantic-megalithic take-over into the West-Indo-European languages to any other etymology. In addition - the Arabic expression is considerably closer than the Sanskrit one in Kluge / Seebold. The analogy to al-qarn-al-Afriki ≡ horn of Africa is obvious. Clearly the second part was added only in the anglo-saxon era.
This also is the case for the hinterland Cornouaille of the Pointe du Raz at the southern coast of the Bretagne.
The - probably Pictish - tribe of the Cornovii in northern Scotland [ Opp p 73 ] lived in the same geographical situation. Their name and the name of this peninsula should have the same etymology. There also the name Ross ⭮ ras ≡ Kap is present, together with the translation into Norwegean +nes.
⛵ |
| Sercq, Sark | ⭮ | śarg | ≡ | east | most easterly in the channel islands | [ Spi east ] |
| leads in the channel islands around Guernsey to
⛵ |
| Guern(+sey | ⭮ | garb(+sey | ≡ | west (+island | the main island in the west |
| with the standard sound shift b → n. Since we assume In+sel ( meaning island ), nordic sey, as common *Vasconic-Indo-European-Semitic, the second part as well can be much older than of Norman origin. Herein qarn ≡ summit gives an alternative [ Whr qarn ], since Guernsey for sure was a visible-from-far landmark in the channel, especially if approaching by ship from the west.
⛵ |
| Jer(+sey | ⭮ | jabal (+sey | ≡ | mountain (+island | ( r ↔ l ) | [ Whr Berg ] |
| consequently is plausible as well, since there is the highest elevation of all channel islands, and the cliffs look impressively high if seen from the sea.
⛵ |
| Al+dern(+ey | ⭮ | al+ḏuran (+ey) | ≡ | the+summit (+island) | | [Whr p 428] |
| has the corresponding translation the island with the summit. The height of this summit indeed only is 90 m, but seen from a sailing vessel this still is impressive - taking into account that the early construction of a stronghold has cut off its tip a little. The role as a landmark, which cut short sailing times considerably, makes this etymology better that one from ḏaran ≡ shelter [p 428] or even one from dār ≡ house [p 413].
Again - in the names of all three big channel islands the second part with the meaning island can have been introduced already by the megalithic peoples long before the Normans - the older version being more likely!
⛵ |
| Tin+tagel | ⭮ | ṭ i n + ṭuḡra | ≡ | soil + tight mountain trail | there are further translations | [ Whr ṭuḡra ] |
| | ṭin + daḵala | | soil + to fill up | | [ Whr daḵala ] |
| refers to the isolated site of this lofty plain above the northern coast of Cornwall, which could be arrived at only via the presumably filled up path from the mainland. This site was at all costs necessary for ruling the Bristol Channel.
Incidentally all trials of a Celtic etymology sound Semitic.
☟ |
| Somer(+set | ⭮ | sam(ā)ūw | ≡ | to tower | seen from the Bristol Channel | [ Whr p 600 ] |
| If the invasion took place from the seaside, first the steep cliffs and mountains of Exmoor come into sight, which are well higher than those of the Samland in East Prussia ( see below ).
+set should already have been added as a loan from Latin during the Roman era and as Seite into German as well.
☟ |
| Mendip (Hills) | ⭮ | men+dabāb | ≡ | out of + m i st | meaning to emerge | [ R-L p 153 ] |
| fits for this ridge in sight of the Irish Sea because of its humid climate and frequent mists. Sharpening bāb to p is not unusual.
☟ |
| Sever n | ⭮ | sāba | ≡ | to stream, to flow | extreme tidal range here ! | [ Whr sāba ] |
| most probably uses the huge tidal range and extreme flow conditions in the Bristol Channel. However, also sabaḡa ≡ to widen fits. And even better, because of extreme flow conditions for sailing vessels alone, sabara ≡ to fathom definitely is necessary.
☟ |
| Angle(+sey | ⭮ | čanga(a) ḷ (+ j as i ra | ≡ | land tongue (+ island | via hook [English] ≡ land tongue | [ WBS p 87 ] |
| describes this island from its ness-like position between England and Ireland to the point. Certainly it is not clear when the second part of this name was created or added - by the Vikings or much earlier. The initial č ≡ tsh was rubbed away. Possibly English and German angle ≡ Winkel also have such an etymology.
☟
In Wiltshire the name of the town and County of |
| Wylye | ⭮ | walaja | ≡ | conjunction, fork | of Wylye and Nadder | [ Whr walaja ] |
| have this Semit[id)ic derivation. Even wab i la ≡ unhealthy (region) and wāb i l ≡ to pour fit the rain-laden and erstwhile marshy floodplain.
☟ |
| Dark (+ey | ⭮ | ⎰auk (+ey | ≡ | thorn (+island | ⎰ → d | [internettranslation] |
| is a small island close to the central part of the irish east coast, permanently settled since the Old Stone Age. Its strategic situation made it interesting for the arriving megalithic seafarer. The second syllable for sure is of Viking origin, the first one usually is supposed to be celtic, where an Indo-European connotaton remains open. But with the classical sound shifts r ↔ u and ( a little less classical ) ⎰ ↔ d there is an earlier Semit(id)ic-megalithic etymology.
🌊 Opposite on the eastern coast in East Anglia the megalithic flint mines at |
Grime ('s
Grave | ⭮ | kurūb [plural] | ≡ | grieve, doom | a word doubling | [ WrC p 819 ] |
| are the place to unravel the megalith-culture in the county of Norfolk. First of all this name signals something mournfully, say forced labour leading to frequent death. Furthermore some 20 km to the north |
Swaff
(+ham | ⭮ | sa'wwa:n (+ ... | ≡ | flint (+ ... | well preserved neolithic mines ❗ | [internettranslation] |
| is a possible place of putting flints to market. Usually this place name is traced back to Suebians, participating in the conquest of England - living upstream river Elbe beyond Frisians and Lombards - the family name Lampert. It is easy to consider scenarios in which both etymologies, the age old megalithic one and the much younger Germanic one, hold in common.
This directly leads to a town, surrounded by fens but flood proof, |
| Ely | ⭮ | ʔa ʕ l a: | ≡ | high | how many more such hits
along the eastern coast do exist ? | [internettranslation] |
| 15 km to the west of these mines. Even it does not matter, that in some medieval written records there was a final +g - which easily could have been replaced by a lengthening.
North of the area of the fens we find the square and broad |
| Wash | ⭮ | ta ' f a⟆⟆a
wass i Ϭ | ≡ | to broaden, to widen
broad | describing that tideland bet-
ter than any other etymology ! | [internettranslation]
[ ☎ Thames below ] |
| which presumably originally has been a tideland with a sand islet at Ely. Since the name also refers to a river we may compare the names of rivers Am+ster and Al+ster - given that 6000 years ago the Wash may have bee shieldet by far outside sand islets.
Still further to the north, at the mouth of river Trent, |
| Hum+ber | ⭮ | umm + baḥr | ≡ | mother + of the river | this too describes this ri-
vermouth or bay exactly ! | [ R-L p 31, p 42 ]
[ WrK p 27, p 48 ] |
| gives an exact description of its broadness - the river Humber coming from the north may at times have had another name.
A perfect Semit(id)ic etymology from the megalithic era is for the kingdom | 🌊 |
| Dal Riada | ⭮ | ˁaઠ • l aaح+حi raઠ • | ≡ | sides + to broaden | in Ireland and Scotland | [ WBS p 280, p 306 ] |
| on both sides of the northern exit of the Irish Sea. The transition of a treacherous into an even more treacherous open sea is a striking motiv for inventing a name. Probably early seafarer even traveled partly over land as a shortcut. Therefore we look at |
| | rād i ˁ | ≡ | barrier | meaning the open sea | [Whr p 464] |
| Riada | ⭮ | r i tāğ | ≡ | gateway into | the Irish Sea from the north | [Whr p 458] |
| | rāda / rāta | ≡ | to aspire to / to linger | where resp. one arrives from | [ Whr p 508, p 514 ] |
| also. The Picts over several thousend years developed from seafarer to typical culchies, which at the end even got in conflict to their comrades at the coast. This became the cause of the Celtisation by from Ireland invading Scots, who first overwhelmed Dal Riada and - in the sequel - also the Picts.
Constriction: Alternatively Dal ≡ part is a convincing Indo-European etymology. But for the second part of this name there exists only an personal name, perhaps invented already by the Celts, when nobody understood its original meaning.
🏙 Scotland's capital, together with the Pictish places around, likely got its name |
Edin
(+burgh | ⭮ | h i:đa:+b | ≡ | hill, hillside, slope | also root of slope,
rise, hump, with n ↔ b | [internettranslation] |
| during the first permanent - i.e. megalithic, Pictish - settlement with the meaning fortification on the hillside. Thus there is no need to invent a personal name. This name sounds perfectly Semitic as well !
For Scotland's largest city we prefer the Assyrian → Pictish |
Glas
+gow | ⭮ | g i sga l l u⸻m
+qa ᦱ ᦱ û | ≡ | station
station+wait | serving the colonization
of the north but also inland | [ P&W p 31
+ p 88 ] |
| against the usual Celtic etymology! Glasgow's location on river Clyde is comparable to London's except for being further inland because of the rougher climate - due to the western orientation.
Near the eastcoast of Scotland we find ( two times near Aberdeen ) |
| Bal+bridie | ⭮ | baal + balad ī ya | ≡ | Baal + community | l ↔ r and
convincing vocalism | [ WrK p 70 ] |
| - i.e. Semiti(di)c place names. May be the excavated wooden house - which was burned down already in the early 4th millennium [ B…C ] - has been a kind of temple?
All this also may hold, even with several possible etymologies, for some more islands and their names in the Irish Sea on the way north to the Orkneys, like for instance
🏗 for the likewise Semitic-sounding Isle of |
| | šaqû | ≡ | (to) water, irrigate | Akkadian, hence old | [ P&W p 112 ] |
| | s i āğ | ≡ | place surrounded by a fence | Sudanese Arabic | [ R-L p 240 ] |
| Skye | ⭮ | sagā / sāg i a | ≡ | to water / water-wheel | a freshwater station ? | p 226 ] |
| | s i ga | ≡ | to provide water | Iraki Arabic | [ WBS s-g-y ] |
| | sakk i n, ʔ i skan | ≡ | settling down, settlement | Egyptian Arabic | [ Wo i p 61 ] |
| - being for sure a sheltered flag stop on the waterway to or from the north.
Arlette Roth-Laly even gives p 253 the semantic bridge šagg+at ≡ dawn to the questionable nordic word sky, wherein +at simply is plural.
▰ The geometrical naming of Dal Riada immediately leads to the archipelago | also
[ WrK p 426 ] |
| Orkn(+ey | ⭮ | arkona | ≡ | corners | seafarer will notice this | [ Whr rukn ] |
| which lie in sighting distance of Scotland. Their rectangular shape only is slightly shifted to a diamond form and only slightly differs from the north-south alignment. This for instance isn't yet shown on middle age maps.
⊡ Likewise geometry leads to the holy island ( compare Demmin in Pomerania ) |
| Dem i n(+sey | ⭮ | ḍ i mn | ≡ | amidst | amidst many megalithic structures | [ WrK ḍ i mn ] |
| close to their geographic center in a ring of islands with no direct view to the open ocean. The same geographical hit occurs on two islands in the Farør archipelago They lie exactly in the middle of a straight line of four islands, somewhat off the big islands.
The name Demmin also is found south of Wredenhagen in Brandenburg and also fits with the geographical situation: Lake Demmin and -holz are in the middle of an area of moors. Although this village is situated in the south of the megalithic area in northern Germany there is a megalithic tomb which can be arrived at by foot only from the north - it is a southern outpost.
In the original megalithic name middle island only the second part participated in the development into Germanic is+land, whereas the meaning of the first part was forgotten.
⛵ |
| | farz | ≡ | remoteness | english Fair Isle | [ Whr farz ] |
| Friðar(+ey | ⭮ | furādan | ≡ | one after the other | meaning in line | [ Whr furādan ] |
| | | furḍa | ≡ | seaharbour, gap | meaning harbour in the gap | [ Whr furḍa ] |
| lies halfway between the Orkneys and Shetlands, visible from both. But this island not necesarily must be touched at by ships.
⛵ |
| | šahid | ≡ | visible | end of island hopping | [ Whr šahid ] |
| Shet(+lands | ⭮ | šatt | ≡ | widespread | possibly meaning remote | [ Whr šatta ] |
| | šadd(a) | ≡ | isolated | because at the end | [ Whr šadda ] |
| | šaṭṭa | ≡ | going the farest out | š is pronounced as sh | [ Whr šaṭṭa ] |
| These are the most northern British islands to be visible from its southern neighbour.
⛵
The archipelago of the |
| Farør | ⭮ | farār | ≡ | refugee, escapee | compare with the Firbolgs | [ Whr farār ] |
| is situated north of the Shetlands, shifted somewhat to the west and cannot be seen from there directly. We group them into the same get away movement from a new religion as the Firbolgs, fleeing from the megalithisation of the north. This leads to the fact, that they have no megalithic structures, like there are no ones in the Baltic east of the western part of eastern Pomerania. Hence we can assume, that those early monchs of Iceland actually were escapees in the Farør - considerably earlier.
However, this historical etymology competes with that one of sheep |
| sheep, før | ⭮ | xarūf | ≡ | ram | før is Danisch and Swedish | [ R-L p 139 ] |
| Skyr | | | ≡ | icelandic yogurt | formaly made from ewe's milk |
| with floating r in the middle, resp. a missing suffix, as |
| sheep | ⭮ | șuuf | ≡ | wool | also internettranslation | [ WBS p 273 ] |
| proves. But the final r in Faroer still has to be explained. Even closer is the - meanwhile deciphered from cunelform tablets - easily shifting | [ Whr p 735 ] |
| Schaf | ⭮ | šubu | ≡ | sheep | standard Akkadian for special sheep | [ P&W p 257 ] |
| into Greek ovis and from there (later) into Latin. However, a back-shift from there into the Germanic version is not plausible, also because of the age of this animal name. This makes a Greek-Latin stopover unlikely. More likely the Italics overtook this name from their northern neighbors and changed it into the Greek version, when they arrived in Italy.
Likely sheep participated in the long trip from the Mediterranean because the ancient ships of that era were as large as those of the Vikings who even had cattle onboard. Exactly this is made likely by
🪤🧬 the genetic localisation of the ur-sheep in southeastern Anatolia.
In addition taking | [ Whr p 735 ] |
| hoof | ⭮ | xuff | ≡ | hoof | [Spi] still has the suffix +ir | [WBS p 140] |
| into account, the surrounding morphological vicinity of sheep, which in the spelling of WBS is x-r-f and x-f-r, evolves to a convincing example for the ancestry of the Atlantic Semiti(di)cs from the Levant. Since parts of this vicinity also are contained in Sanscrit texts [ KS Huf ], this field should be of common Semitic and Indo-European origin.
Possibly sheep were the earliest domesticated animals.
☝ |
| Thule | ⭮ | t u ḥ l ub | ≡ | moss, bog | means tundra or taiga | [Whr p 767] |
| Pytheas mentioned that the sea was frozen and the night took only 2 to 3 hours. This means that the far north was well-known to the megalithic people. So Thule ≡ land of the moss was their name for the region in the far north and Pytheas likely misunderstood it as a special place, even as an island. Even the romans took Scandianvia for an island. May be that the Megalithicians called their far most northern settlement by this name also. It is by no means clear whether Pytheas himself has been further north than Stonehenge and only asked for more information on the far north.
This etymology is a third indication that Pytheas was there and that he was not a liar.
May be Tarp on river Treene, Danish Tarup, south of Flensburg in Schleswig, also can be derived alike - it is situated on the sandy Geest, and moss can mean heather as well, besides open forests natural a plant covering on the Geest, and still to be found a few miles to the east between Jarplund and Tarp.
Then Flens burg would have the same etymology as lake Fleesen see between lake Plau and the Müritz.
☝
| [ Opp map 5.2. ] |
| Tru+ | ⭮ | ṯaran | ≡ | watery soil | description of a type of coast | [ Whr ṭuḡra ] |
| | ṯaḡr | ≡ | inlet, creek, narrow bay | via english inlet | [ Whr ṯaḡr ] |
| +ro | ⭮ | raˁy | ≡ | protection | compare raˁā ≡ to protect | [Whr p 480] |
| is located at the end of a long, firth-like inlet of the southern coast of Cornwall. However, it is difficult to decide whether the waterfront of Truro 6000 years ago really consisted of soil.
Assuming that the first line herein and the translation of neighboring into Arabic also is the etymology of Strand ≡ strand [ KS Strand ], Celtic trá, which so far hasn't been derived convincingly. At least this explains that strand originates in England and the Celtic word is a Semitic loan.
Initial s in Germanic words can nicely be derived from the Semitic prefix sta+ - example
south of Flensburg at the border between Angles and Jutes - the
Sankelmark is a ( because being hard-fought important ?)
Mark of the Angles
☟ |
| Devon | ⭮ | diwān | ≡ | government, administration | | [ Whr diwan ] |
| Assuming that tin got its huge importance with the invention of bronze - and lost this with the invention of iron - the economic center of the megalith culture must have been close to the center of tin mining. This must not necessarily have been identical with the religious center, which certainly was near Stonehenge. But the actual site in Devon still has to be identified.
The usual derivation of this name from a tribes name reverses the time order of the creation of both.
☟ |
| Dart (+moor | ⭮ | tadarruj (+ moor | ≡ | to meander across (the+ moor | with several variants | [ Whr tadarruj ] |
| describes the river Dart, which runs across the well-known moor in Devon.
☟ |
| Dor(+set | ⭮ | dār | ≡ | home, settlement | typical word doubling | [ Whr dār, ḏarˁ ] |
| leaves an old +n+ in the middle of this word unexplained, inspite the convincing word doubling.
Because of its uneven geography Dorset must have been settled densely and also must have been a typical transition region between the southern coast and Stonehenge, shortening the road from the west to the Solent. Hence ḏar ˁ ≡ transition area fits as well and ḏar ˁ an ≡ not yet arrived even would explain the missing +n+.
Because of the many, easily to defend places in Dorset one also can think of ḏaran ≡ refuge, shelter.
☟ |
| Ches i l (Beach | ⭮ | i šq i l la+tu | ≡ | chopper, pebble stone | Akkadian | [ Ppl 1 p 182, p 280 ] |
| | ḵasala | ≡ | to cut short | a detour by ship | [ Whr ḵazala ] |
| By ship the detour around the peninsula Portland is rather dangerous and well-known for its many sailing ship wrecks - even if 6000 years ago a passage through a waterway still existed in the west, making Portland an island. Do we have the chance to excavate here an ancient wreck?
Germanic Kiesel ≡ pebble, supposed to be the origin of this place name, isn't linked satisfactorily to Indo-European and thence is a candidate for a Semitic-Megalithic etymology - a more likely one than that of the much later Germanic one. |
[ KS Kiesel ] |
| Wight | ⭮ | w i hât, w i dyān | ≡ | ravines, gullies, gills | latin vectis | [ Stg p 1235, p 1207 ] |
| A friend, a yachtsman, when asked for the first impression of the Isle of Wight when sailing from outside, replied a ravine. There even are three of those.
However, this island also is situated at the entrance to the center of the megalith culture around Stonehenge. Therefore warad ≡ to descend to the water is another intriguing translation, the central laryngeal +h+ being replaced by the diphtong +ch+. This means that the Romans not only shifted h to c in Germanic, but also in the megalithic language.
Possibly the arriving Megalithicians noticed today's waterway in the west as another deep ravine, i.e. 6000 years ago the Solent still was a river mouth and the Isle of Wight a peninsula.
In Theo Vennemann's approach the Solent-waterway between the Isle of Wight and the mainland plays a decisive role.
☟ | [ R-L p 524 ]
[ Ven Solent ]
|
| Sales(+bury | ⭮ | sal i sa | ≡ | subalterns, inferiors (+place) | important for Stonehenge | [ Whr sal i sa ] |
| is, because of the huge number of work hours being necessary for the construction and maintenance of Stonehenge, the most likely place of the subordinate class of laborers - may be even slaves. The upper class, kings, nobelity and clergy, should have resided elsewhere.
☟
Whence we look for a place near by, the name of which reflects the upper class: |
| Durring(+ton | ⭮ | dar(a)ğa | ≡ | (high) rank, impact | also throne, a king? | [ R-L p 158 ] |
| | mu+darağ | ≡ | terraced hillslope | also stairs, staircase | [ Whr p 385 ] |
| satisfies this in the first line. In addition it lies on a terrace over a curve of the river Avon, which even may have been flattened by man. Also a representative staircase may have been constructed for those, who arrived by boat, since the river Avon represents an easy connection of Salesbury and Stonehenge to the southern coast. However, this must be proved archeologically.
Angloisation led to nasalisation in the first part of this name. Whence we avoid an invented personal name.
☟
In between and above the river Avon, in an easy to defend and still today attractive location, lies |
| | šarru + ma —│ | ≡ | origin + notably | from Assyrian cuneiform | [ P&W p 113 + p 57 ] |
| Old Sarum | ⭮ | ṣaruma ← | ≡ | lapsed, gone (time) | also long since gone | [BGP][WrK p 519] |
| | mun+ṣar i m | ≡ | old, gone by | |
| with this convincing etymology. Which is more likely than the traditional one, because why should, at two adjacent places, a sound shift have occured once and once not. In addition it convincingly explaines the Old as one more example for doubling by translation into a new language.
☟
Hampshire lies east of river Avon. Among the earliest written records there is the spelling Hamt + shire. Taking the above etymology of homeland, Heimat into account, then this fits to this geographical placing as well: Because Stonehenge was a center of attraction for the whole of Britain - proven archeologically. The housing of these - most likely - pilgrims must have been around Stonehenge, together with that of the local gentry and clergy. The areas in the west are not suited for agriculture - Hampshire in the east remains as the only area for substantial agriculture. Indeed, traveling from London to Southhampton, the first impression in Hampshire still today is - fields. Thus we assume that its name was created around (4000) bChr, long before the Saxon and Jutish invasion.
☟ |
| Hanover | ⭮ | gannābīya | ≡ | high/steep bank, slope | in Brighton and at river Leine | [ Whr jānabī ] |
| by no means has come to England from Lower Saxony with the Hannovers. Alternatively we assume, that they independently were created during the megalith-culture, because Brighton is in the heartland and Hannover is situated at the southern border of this culture. In Brighton Hanover lies on the eastern ≡ steep bank over the Level, which runs down to the channel. In Hannover the translation slope fits better, because the street Hohes Ufer was banked up only in the modern era. However, why the city fathers took this exact translation of a megalithic word, remains unexplained - a direct historical tradition simply is too unlikely.
The first part of this word convincingly comes from janaba ≡ to flank, to run parallel , the second part +over ⭮ āb ī ya ≡ river bank even is clear. Moreover, because both place names must have been invented independently, this etymology is natural, standard sound shifts being assumed.
Remarkable: One encounters Laine resp. the Leine in both areas! At least in Lower Saxony one can think of layy i n ≡ smoothly because of the low downstream grade of river Leine. The same holds for river Leen ⭮ Leane in Nottingham.
☟ | more
translations:
dike,
side canal |
| Thames ⭮ tamesis | ⭮ | ta ' wassaɁa | ≡ | to broaden, to widen | wass i Ϭ ≡ broad | [internettranslation] |
| / Ems / Temse | | ta ' f a⟆⟆a | ≡ | to stretch (out), to spraw l | |
| These rivers are broadening at the river mouth in an extreme way, even the short river Temse, which connects lake Bützow with the river Warnow in Mecklenburg.
In case of the Ems in Friesland the broadeing Dollart may have been situated further north, which is difficult to reconstruct after 6000 years of storm floods. May be that it has been the deep in the west of the Borkum island which has the form of an extreme cone.
The initial sillable ta+ is a prefix typical for (Proto)Semitic follows from the upstream name Isis of the river near Oxford. The sound shifts m ↔ w resp. m ↔ f are classical.
It even is possible, the this name got the meaning river mouth, at least for the numerous creeks, streams and rivers of Britain with this name. There naming startet from the river mouth, which is typical for sesfarers. In Germany this naming spread with that of the Germanic tribes, possibly at a time when its original meaning already long since was forgotten.
🌉Even if 6000 years ago the river mouth was situated further down this river |
| London | ⭮ | ladun + daḥā | ≡ | (close) by + to broaden | exactly where the first London was | [ Whr p 1149, p 379 ] |
| would be placed exactly at the unchanged broadening.
Even better hits the Sudanese-Arabic dan ≡ to pour - because then London simply means close by the river mouth. The Tower is the first place upstream where one easily can cross the river, resp. where later a bridge was affordable. Exactly here the earliest settlement in London was excavated.
There is a further possible etymology from [ AqM temm ] Maltese temm ≡ to finish.
And - this naming parallels that of the one continent apart Québec. However, there the original language is the non-related Algonkin. This etymological pair should be compared with that of the Germanics and the Garmants, which likewise lie one continent apart, but are not related to each other.
🔺
With these two etymologies, it is tempting to etymologize Kent at the south-east corner of England megalithically, which replaces a much to late Indo-European or even Celtic etymology: | [ WrC p 863 ]
see also
[ R-L p 170 pouring ] |
| Kent | ⭮ | kuunya+aat | ≡ | triangle+s (plural) | also a carpet tool | [ WBS p 414 ] |
| | qanawāt | ≡ | waterway, channel | channel itself is a Semitic loan | [ Whr p 1062 ] |
| gives the possibility to argue in a maritime way. 6000 years ago, the far outside tip of Kent should have been further outside, because the coastline of today is formed by many storm floods. Naturally seafarer notice two interleaved triangles.
The second line simply is the fact that channel is a Semitic loan [ KS Kanal ]. This leads to the doubt that this word travelled via Latin and to the assumption that it arrived much earlier with the megalith-culture. In German Ärmelkanal it participated in the development to Kanal, in England it survived only shortened to channel. And - instead of using a Roman emperor - can we derive the peninsula Cotentin in the same way? That is problematic because interleaved triangles there do exist - but a rhomb is more likely to be seen by seafarers.
☟
Opposite of the North Sea in today's administrative center of the Netherlands we find |
| | ⟆aam+ i yya | ≡ | rope made ouf of fibre |
| Scheven(+ingen | ⭮ | gamح i ⟆ )-⟆awaam i | ≡ | rope for dragging a ship as high | as possible inland | [ B&H p 448 ] |
| | ⟆aama | ≡ | mole |
| – a further striking etymology❗ This area sometimes is supposed not to have been megalithic. But skidding along the coast a place to stay overnight is here absolutely necessary, perhaps even with a short mole for landing ships. Hence below today's public buildings inland there should have been a 6000 years old settlement.
Hence we derive the name Den Haag from megalithic-Semitic comverts + enclosure, given that much later, after several changes of language, Den was taken for article only.
s-Gravenhage, the other name of this capital, usually is derived from a medieval count - an argumentation which we invert time and again - because the title Graf can be traced back to the Merowingians. When Chlodwig systematically slew his relatives, this was done to the unsuspecting victims by his counts. Do we find here an explanation for grob ≡ gruff ? Since we backdate many nobility names into the *Vasconic and megalithical era we may associate the German title Graf to the Merowingians of the megalithical religion as well: |
| Graf | ⭮ | ɣ i r i m | ≡ | punishment | i.e. even much older, com- | [ B&H p 621 ] |
| | karūb [plural] | ≡ | grieve, doom | pare to Grime's Grave above | [ WhC p 819 ] |
| makes a Graf to an acting institution of the megalithic cleric, sort of a strongman. Only when the Carolingians radically replaced everything pre-christian by the new christian religion / ideology this title lost its hardcore image.
☝
Somewhat to the north we find on the northern shore of river Oude Rhijn an ancient place - among the first written records Lehden - with the names |
| |
| Leiden | ⭮ | lo t u (ne) [*Vasc] | ≡ | landing, to fasten, stopover | like Lehden inmidth the Spreewald | [ Lha p 699(17) ] |
| |
| | maṭaal i ح [Arab] | ≡ | upwards slope | on a natural or artificial hill ? | [ B&H p 544 ] |
| Mat i lo(ne) | ⭮ | ma ṭ l ab | ≡ | claim | | [ Qaf p 401 , |
| | ṭ i l a ˁ | ≡ | rank | a political connotation? | p 402 ] |
| | ṭ ā ˀ i l a | ≡ | might, power | | [ WrC p 376 ] |
| from two different language groups. The Romans had here the (hill?) fort Mat i lo. |
| 🚴 | Given these etymologies we now can outline the pre-history of Holland . |
| ☟
The island of See+land in the mouth of rivers Rhine and Waal should be seen like its Denish counterpart.
☟ |
| Waal | ⭮ | waḥl | ≡ | mud, sludge | convicing laryngeals | [ Spi p 185 ] |
| 6000 years ago the delta of the river Rhine should have been further downstream and an even larger labyrinth of mud and shifting sands than today, and the cause of many ship wrecks. Hence this name also is the sailing instruction caution - watch out for shallows.
☟ | [ B&H wahl ] |
| Up to the middle ages the river |
| | mazağa | ≡ | to mix up | ğ ↔ ˁ → aa | [Whr p 1202] |
| | māˁa | ≡ | to diffluence, ~ dissolve | seen downriver | [Whr p 1237] |
| Maas | ⭮ | maiz | ≡ | to seperate | seen upriver | [ Whr p 1237 ] |
| | maˁa | ≡ | together, with eachother | preposition | [Whr p 1212] |
| | mizaj | ≡ | to mix (up) | Iraqi Arabic | [WBS p 437 ] |
| didn't empty into the North See, but turned to the northeast and discharged into the Waal. If two such watery rivers meet, then one can see their waters unmixed for a long way downriver. Upstream seafarers will take this for description, later a name.
☟ |
| Batavia | ⭮ | baṭaqa | ≡ | to leak, ~ burst a dam | meaning to overflow | [Whr p 65] |
| The land of flooded dams should have given the Frisians of the Rhine river delta the name Batavians, the v being a late Latinisation.
The island Zea+land in the Rhine-Waal-river mouth should be seen exactly as its Danish counterpart.
☟ |
| Burkana | ⭮ | bakkaara + ana | ≡ | maelstrom, stoppage
+ because of | a sailing advice | [ B&H p 93 ] |
| is a typical proto-Semitic word in the earliest written record of the island of Borkum. Translated like this it is a sailing advice with the meaning beware of maelstroms / shallow water, which here, because of shifting sands and frequent floodings, absolutely are necessary - even if the broad river mouth of river Ems some 6000 years ago was situated further north. — The alternative translation | [ WBS p 17 ] |
| Burkana | ⭮ | burg+an | ≡ | tower, borough + till | also a location plan, | [WBS p 17] |
| however, needs an archeological proof of such an early site on the island or in the surrounding sea.
☟ |
| Jever | ⭮ | jawwâr | ≡ | farmer, countryman | j ↔ g | [ Stg p 252 ] |
| is situated on a land tongue, protecting against storm tides and giving short ways to the firtile marshlands. Therefore it should have been used and known early for agriculture. It may have been, that here empoldering was invented. Typical for the historic name is the Semitic play with j and g.
☟ |
| Butjadingen | ⭮ | battīya | ≡ | trough, tub, winnow | also bittīya, Plural batātīy | [ Whr batīya ] |
| 6000 years ago the southern shore of the North Sea was situated further north, probably with today washed away islands - in the beginning up to Doggerland. Todays coastline was formed by many storm floods. Only chains of sandhills, todays islands, and some by dunes protected areas remained untouched. One of those is Butja+d+ingen. When the first settlers arrived they must have seen a trough. Thus the river Jade gots its name from that trough - not conversely. When much later this river emptied no longer into the river Weser but directly into the North Sea and and the old language was forgotten, this became Frisian Buten+jade. This etymology is more likely than the widely accepted one, which uses unlikely sound shifts.
☟ |
| Balge | ⭮ | b i rka | ≡ | pond | former harbor of Bremen | [ S96 p 209 ] |
| Obviously here a pond has been upgraded to an harbor. The numerous place names of this type probably lie along inland waterways used by the megalithic traders. |
| Bremen | ⭮ | baram | ≡ | bend, winding | ∼ bar î m ≡ bending [ Stg p 122 ] | [ R-L baram ]
|
| is the surprisingly precise sailing advice
go into the river Weser and upriver the straight line to the many windings before the turn to SSE,
shorter
at the windings ( and not at the straight lines before and behind ). Likewise
☜
inmidth an extreme switchback of river Tame is | [ WBS p 32 ]
[ Ppl 1 p 54 ]
(Sumeric) |
Birm +
ing+ham | ⭮ | bar î m | ≡ | bending | in the English midlands |
| situated on a river, which is characterised by extreme turn around angles. Hence we assume that its megalithic name has survived until an Anglo-Saxon or Jutish family settled there and got the name + from there by adding a suffix +ing. Soon the suffix +home was added. Compare Nottingham, Bremerholm (below) and the rivers Recknitz (below) and Efze ( in Hesse ).
☛
Like Saal am Bodden, at the southern border of the Altes Land-marsh, already on the Geest |
| Heden (+dorf | ⭮ | +h i đ a:b | ≡ | hills, elevations | +a:b → +en early bandke-
ramik or late German | [internettranslation] |
| is secure against floodings of river Elbe, especially those before the era of the dykes. Therefore we expect megalithic traces in the eastern forest around Neukloster.
And not far from here behind the dyke of river Elbe, first mentioned as Majorke, |
| Jork | ⭮ | ma+) ra : k i d╱ | ≡ | very)+stagnant (water body) | the prefix only disappeared
in historical times | [Internetübersetzung] |
| initially only was a field name, which only became a place name after the embankment of the Altes Land - the church of Jork being situated on an artificial Wurt. Since +id may be looked at as a suffix, the remaining root only needs ⇄, i.e. the name
Jork delivers a remarkable morphological and especially geographical-semantic match❗
This derivation is predominant to the usual one in which Dutch goor ≡ stale, insipid still has to be checked for an Indo-European provenance.
☛
In the case of Lüneburg ≡ Lunenburg we have to start from the more original Low German |
| Lüm (+burg | ⭮ | ma:l i ħ (+burǧ | ≡ | salty (+burg | use ⇄ mirrowing, hebrew too | [internettranslation] |
| in which mirrowing of the two Semitic syllables explains the etymology. Clearly the first syllable is the common Semitic stress - it's salt. This etymology does not surprise, Lüneburgs founding saga tells that already hunters and gatherers may have discovered the salt. Therefore this name should have been given by the first permanent settlers.
💒 Initially the Hama burg, protected by the deeply cut into the Geest rivers Elbe, Alster und Bille, |
| | ammāru (+b i rtu | ≡ | overseer (+citadel | neo-Babylonian | [ BGP p 15 ] |
| Ham (+burg | ⭮ | ˁam i i r (+burǧ | ≡ | commander (+tower | also state, administration | [ WBS p 15 ] |
| | ˁamm (+... | ≡ | to become prevalent (+... | historically the closest alternative | [ Qaf p 444 ] |
| Trefa | ⭮ | ṭarf | ≡ | river bank | in Insular-Celtic Treva ≡ Hamburg | [ R-L ṭarf ] |
| − which may be explained (❗) by |
| Ham (+... | ⮄ | aḫum (+ ... | ≡ | river bank, -side, seashore | a nice Babylonian alternative | [ BGP p 8 ] |
| − is situated at the crossing of a north-south road with a west-east waterway. This location is so important, that there must have been an early center of administration and trade.
Modern south-Semitic ṭarf can be backtracked to the much earlier Assyrian raṭābu ≡ water [P&W] plus pattu ≡ border-district [BGP] as well, only using ⇄ and p → f .
The initial laryngeal ˁ is one of the four ones, described by Bergsträßer in his first chapter Ursemitisch [ Bgß p 4 ]. It became h in Germanic, whereas in German the final r is not pronounced anymore. In Maltese the initial has vanished too [ AqM amar ]. Clearly also burǧ ≡ tower is striking: Since this class also contains Basque gora ≡ high, on top it must be a common urword.
Even if Hamburg in insular Celtic still is Treva and is definitely placed at river Elbe by Ptolemy, this can be an identification with Bad Oldesloe, which follows from the cartographical corrections of the TU Berlin [ KMKL ]. There it is better in line with the river name Trave, both being named at the same time.
The name Hamburg more likely refers to the crossing of two trade routes, given that the first part of the north-south route can be covered by boat on the upper Alster till close to Bargfeld. From there there is a dry route over land to river Beste, which is connected to the Baltic by river Trave. In the Middle Age this led to a channel, which, however, no longer exists.
The Irish v probably is a Latinisation. Vennemann [ Ven p 504 ] even derives the otherwise unexplained Dorf ≡ thorpe from early Semitic. |
| Megalithical monuments in Hamburg are rare - if any - because of the tight and longterm development. However, following the Eulenkrugstraße eastward, shortly behind the busy road 75 we find the large grove Hagen with a megalithic tomb, and it only remaíns to identify the adjacent settlement therein. The name of this site is Wartenberg, which - like often in Germanies megalithic sites - is associated with Woden. |
| With the sound shift t ⭯ s resp. r ⭯ s - standard in front of initial b - and the same initial laryngeal as in H amburg we get |
| Eims (+) | ⮄ | ummānu
ummatu | ≡ | throng, craftsman
main body, (common) people
| a populated settlement near
to the Hamma burg, i.e. | [ P&W ]
[BGP] |
| Eims (+büttel | ⭮ | ᒼām i r (+ ... | ≡ | populated (+büttel | Akkadian → modern Arabic | [ WrC p 644 ] |
| - this common root being by no means a linguistic coincidence.
The relation between Hammaburg and Eimsbüttel also can be looked at from a psychological point of view. Like on the Teufelsberg at the Schwedenschanze close to the hamlet Horst here four very different populations clashed - surviving Bell Beaker people, band keramic people, early Indo-Europeans attracted by the riches and above these the megalithic superstrat. One does not like to have such a medley of peoples in front of the gates - Eimsbüttel has exactly the right distance.
This relation also can be interpreted from a topographical point of view: Initially river Alster has not been dammed up near the river mouth, but cut in at the Außenalster deeplier than today; cut in certainly not as much as in more northern Poppenbüttel. Therefore Eimsbüttel deserves the ending +el ≡ +high .
☟ |
| Bille | ⮄ | l i bbû
l i bbu | ≡ | like, instead of
in exchange for, just like | only ⇄ needed, neo-Babylonian | [P&W]
[BGP] |
| Bille | ⭮ | qa:b i l l i-l-m | ≡ | comparable | qa: only is prefix | [internettranslation] |
| To begin with we must discard a hard to believe and much (4000 years) to late Slavic etymology: Also space does not fit because Slavs settled only east of the Sachsenwald and the naming should have taken place where this river develops from a streamlet to a navigable river. Moreover, the upper Bille by no means is cleaner or brighter as other creeks of this area. And fourth, the vocalisation is doubtfull - Slavic white would give Biele. All four facts speak for this megalithic etymology: Because river Bille parallels the larger river Elbe in its lower course it is the comparable to the larger river and may have been used as an alternative route.
The use of the prefix is cleared by the internet translation b i l-l-m ≡ by comparison.
☟ |
| Al+ster | ⭮ | mu+sta ˁ d i r | ≡ | round | al+ replaces mu+, i.e. an
article by an emphasis | [internettranslation] |
| This stunning phonetics, however, must be augmented by a historic depth profile, as the original lower course of the river Alster vanished already 1000 years ago by human constructions.
Even better fits this for the Am+ster, whence Amsterdam, given this river originally emptied into the round Lake Zuider - starting with umm ≡ essential, substantial [ WrC p 25 ].
We hence are led to the Germanic etymology of round, which surely is a Swadesh experience of mankind, leading to the cultural noun round ≡ Runde. However, round ⭮ dir besides nasalisation needs a second morphological step, an exchange ⇄ of consonants. In this conclusion the laryngeal ˁ has been used for syllabication.
☟ |
| Barm (+bek | ⭮ | bar î m (+ bek | ≡ | meandering (+ bek | from the year 1806 there is a | map in the internet |
| is explained like Bremen from windings, which in today's Hamburg are straightened. These windings distinguish the river Barm bek, today called Osterbek, considerably from the straight runs of the southern river Eilbek and the northern river Alster close to their outlets into the Außenalster.
Whether the name moved river up to Bram+feld and Berne, remains open.
It possibly also is the name of the little right tributary of river Elbe north of Roslau - and even the German name of the city of Bromberg on river Weichsel - which then would be much older than Slavic Bude of Goths.
Usually the name of river E i l bek is traced back to leech es. This does not convince since leeches can be found in adjacent creeks in the same way. However, adopting this, the name can have been given already in the megalithic era, because obviously |
[ WBS b-r-m ] |
| leech | ⭮ | ᒼa l oq | ≡ | leech | only q ⭯ ch necessary | [ WrK p 632 ] |
| was taken over into Celtic and Germanic [ KS Egel ], first into Anglo-Saxon and from there into German, using ⇄ only ❗
☟ |
| Lemsahl | ⭮ | lab i n + saḥl | ≡ | lime + plain | lime a common Swadesh word | [internettranslation] |
| is situated in a widening plane between the bank of the river Alster and a girst range in the west close to Lemsahl.
☟
Parallel to this water-over land route from Hamburg to Buku, Lübeck there is the Königsweg ( king's way ), wherefrom |
| Melling (+burg | ⭮ | ma l i k (+burg | ≡ | king (+burg | |
| is more likely than a derivation from some medieval, unreported XY, who - if having existed at all - has gotten his name from this place. In this name a simple nasalisation has taken place at a time, when the original no longer was understood. The name Königsweg has survived only in this translated form.
The Mellingburg lies in an extreme curve of the river Alster, which was settled from the first settlement onwards because of its natural protection. Since the hill directly above the Mellingburg watergate has been overbuilt in the early Middle Ages, but today is exposed, an excavation could prove the early settlement.
☟ |
| Ahrens (+burg | | | | is etymologised in main waterway | [ Peene-Elbe ] |
| ☟ |
| Sasel | ⭮ | saˁsaˁ+l i | ≡ | dispersed + on / at / towards | first recorded as Sasle | [ Stg p 581 ] |
| should have been a dispersed settlement at the starting point of the Königsweg towards Lübeck. Because sâ' i l ≡ to lift something and carry it away [Stg p 525, p 567 ] we assume here a trading and storage place for goods to be transported on the Königsweg to and from the Baltic.
☟
In the same way we interprete the village | + [ B&H p 775 ] |
| Süsel | ⭮ | ș i ș i ya+ | ≡ | fortification + | a 2nd meaning | [ Whr p 738 ] |
| on the Baltic as a dispersed settlement, which was situated below a fortification, either of the Süseler Schanze or of the Middelburg - or even between both at the same time.
☝ |
| Rahl (+stedt | ⭮ | r i aḫu + l i
raḫhura ḥ l | ≡
≡ | to remain, leave behind + at
stop over | +l yet attested in Assarian
after (before) the start (end) | [ BGP p 303 ] |
| has a typical Semitic morphology [ Whr raḥl ], but also - typical Germanic - and a further hint for the existence of the Königsweg towards the Baltic during the megalithic era. As a place name it also exists in Malta.
☟ |
| Buku | ⭮ | baqā+ru
baqqa | ≡
≡ | to claim, arrogate
stay+permission /+cause | already Assyrian !
earliest place name there | [ P&W p 13 ]
[ WBS b-q-y ] |
| is the first passed on place name in today's Lübeck, wherein the name Königsweg today still exists as a street name. This etymology describes the place as an administrative center like the Mellingburg at the western end of the Königsweg.
☟ | + [ B&H p 775 ] |
| Lübeck | ⭮ | l i bbû + buku
l i+buku | ≡
≡ | like + Buku
referring to Buku | prepositon already Akkadian !
meaning close, at Buku | [ P&W p 216 ]
[ Whr li+ ] |
| connects this name with that of the presumably fortification Buku, in the sense of a typical hanseatic settlement of traders and craftsmen, who don't find in a borough enough place, compare Hamburg-Eimsbüttel. This excellently describes the historical role of both pairs. It avoids the usual, but much to late Slavic etymology, which sounds as a typical folk-etymology.
Like always there are more semantically fitting etymologies: labba ≡ to settle down at a place simply gives another description for site. labuka ≡ expertness stresses Lübecks role as a center of rendering services even more so. And labbaika ≡ here I am at your disposal is one of the secrets of the success of the middle age Hansa. Incidentally there are several megalithic sites around Lübeck, proving the early population of Lübeck.
☟ | [ Whr labba ]
[ Whr labuka ] |
| Kiel | ⮄
⭮ | qa l l u
qal i i l | ≡
≡ | little, small
diminishing | already Babylonian !
meaning narrowing | [ BGP p 283 ]
[ WBS q-l-l ] |
| indeed is situated at the end of the corresponding inlet, which is tapering exactly here. Since this also is the case for a ship's keel, this also gives a derivation of this maritime notion. Without this semantic root one couldn't see any relation between a ship's keel and this town. Even the cape Kjalarnes of the Vinland saga doesn't suit as a counter example because the undoubtedly Viking tradition to erect keels as sea marks for orientation doesn't make sense for the naming of a site in more densely populated areas.
☟ | [ CSW keel,
narrow ] |
| Eider | ⭮ | ح i dar | ≡ | to carry riverdown | on the Eider | [ WBS ح-d-r ] |
| totally fits here, because the outflowing river with its natural downward slope facilitates shipping towards the open sea considerably.
☟ |
| Treene | ⭮ | trannaح | ≡ | to upswell | two supplementing derivations | [ WBS r-n-ح ] |
| also fits well because without modern age water engineering the tide of the North Sea yet would reach Hollingstedt, resulting in hefty water fluctuations there. Ships did reach this harbor, which is famous from Hengist and Horsa, easily with upcoming flow.
☟ |
| Haitha+bu | ⭮ | hadaf | ≡ | destination, aim | at the end of a crossover | [internettranslation] |
| Trade between North- and the Baltic Sea in all ages used this passage from Eider and Treene over land to the Schlei, sparing a huge detour around Jeteland, between Hollingstedt and Haithabu. It is parallel to the Königsweg between Hamburg and Lübeck. Hollingstedt was easily connected to the North See using the tide. The Schlei is a deep inlet from the Baltic. Thus Haithabu, excellently excavated and documented, was located at a decisive point of this passage. We start its history 4000 years earlier.
When the old megalithic language no longer was spoken, the final consonant f ↔ b simply was interpreted as +bay.
Also possible |
| Haitha+bu | ⭮ | ḥa ṭ ṭ | ≡ | to place, to lay down | hence repository | [ Stg p 284 ] |
| ☟ |
| Schlei | ⭮ | šayyâ l | ≡ | trade by porters | š pronounced as sh | [ Spi p 251 ] |
| Herein also ša l l aa l i ≡ fast [ WBS p 248 ] and ša l hh i l ≡ to accelerate [Spi p 250] illuminate the meaning. Perhaps even the unexplained German [ KS ] schnell can been understood form here? Then this route would be a very early Schnellweg. Here a very early history from the time of the first settlement reveals itself and even a, however rough, time axis: At the time of the foundation of this shortcut of the water way around cape Skagen the principle horse ( or mule ) and cart not yet was known.
Sadly the expection, that this trading post Hollingstedt at the Treene can be given such a Semitic etymology not yet is successful. Later it was the starting poing of the Anglo-Saxon and Jutish conquest of England. The translation Kanal like in Hallig could be taken into consideration, but the connection to the Heverstrom here is barred by the girst. Moreover the only temporarily existing southern connection of the Treene to the Heverstrom is too far apart to be taken into account for inventing that name. This also holds for the village Hollingstedt south of the Eider in Dithmarschen. There the reference to some water even is less obvious. Restriction: 5000 years ago, the run of the water ways may have been completely different from today's one.
☟ |
| Schles (+wig | ⭮ | sa l s ā l | ≡ | dry loam, potter's clay | only in the english edition | [ Whr salsāl ] |
| Haithabu has been the oldest settlement at the helm of the west-east-passage from the North Sea to the Baltic. At a time when the more primitive construction with timber walls was replaced by one with adobe tiles, naturally the idea travelled with the Megalithicians from the Fertile Crescent, the town of Schleswig was founded, perhaps because Haithabu was sacked. It is tempting to mention ṣalā ≡ burn, to roast [ Whr p 725 ].
☟ |
| Schwans+en | ⭮ | š i b i h jaz i i ra | ≡ | peninsula (š=sh) | meaning exactly similar to island | [WBS p 235] |
| / Swans+ey | | šaban, šabawāt | ≡ | spike, stinger, tip | also fits geographically excellently | [Whr p 632] |
| by no means is derived from some swans or of lake Schwansen in Holstein, which at the time of the first megalithic migration probably at most was a shallow bay of the Baltic. And in the case of the Welsh city, the Viking Sveyn Forkbeard lived much too late for being the source of such a naming - the neck of the peninsula 🕋Gower in Southwales is only 5 km wide, and Swansey is located close by in a strategic position.
When the shortening of šibih took place, there also was the sound shift b → w plus nasalisation.
Eye-catching – the diagramof place names in Wales and Holstein. Actually we know that Hengist and Horsa went onboard in Hollingstedt in Holstein, taking the name Eng land to England. But conversely, has it been transferred by the Megalithicians from there to Holstein - some 4000 years earlier?
☜
On the northern shore of the Pembroke peninsula there are the impressing |
| Pres+el i | ⭮ | burūz + ❛al ī y | ≡ | impressingly + high | these hills are up to 650 m high | [ WrK burūz + ❛al ī y ] |
| Hills, especially when sailing into the Irish Sea from the south. There are numerous megalithic monuments, mostly stone circles, see [ P…E ] with a discussion of mythology too.
Meanwhile ist is clear that the famous bluestones of Stonehenge originate in this area and at first stood upright as a kind of model, before being hauled to Stonehenge. How, meanwhile is proved by an archeological experiment, but which way still is in debate.
The etymology of Pembroke in South Wales provides here some deeper insight |
Pemb+
roke | ⭮ | bawwaaba+⸻
⸻račč a╱b╱ | ≡
≡ | gate, doorway +
(to) climb / put aboard | but where in Pembrokeshire ?
⸻even heavy bluestones ! | [ Qaf p 60,
p 259 ] |
| - given that experts for water, instead of stem-rolling the bluestones for 250 km with halfway loading them abord a ship to cross river Severn will for sure discover soon a shortcut of more than 100 km via the coast of Pembroke, such using the high tide till the estuary of river Severn and from there the fall of tide to river Avon, and then upstream hauling towards Stonehenge, and
- given that in the same era even heavier redstones were shipped from Assuan to Saccara in Egypt. Their loading station even may give a hint for what one has to look for in Wales, which clearly also holds for the landing station at river Avon.
Pemb+rey east of Pembroke may have played the same role and even have the same etymology. An alternative route is to river |
| Taf | ⭮ | dafa ʕa | ≡ | (to) bring / carry / land sth | tidal in its lower course | [internettranslation] |
| with the megalithic site Crymych Wayside Barrow nearby. For an exact location of the loading station in Wales one can try the wordplay
broke ⭮ ʔ i m:l a:q ≡ giant and roke ⭮ raq s– ≡ danse
for the name of a nearby mythological location.
🕋 Actually even the name of the opposite Welsh peninsula |
| Gower | ⭮ | mu ' ka ˁ ˁ ab | ≡ | dice, cube | w ↔ b , mu+ only is a prefix | [internettranslation] |
| is typical Semitic - think of the Kaaba in Mekka. Infact there are images in the internet of the view from the sea, which totally fit with this descripting name - and / or it means the square-edged rock at the tip of Gower [ Snc p 123 ].
This in turn is secured morphologically by place names on the southern coast of Malta and on the western coast of Ireland |
| D i ng l i (Malta) | ⭮ | dannag + ely | ≡ | (to) bend, bow + high | highest point near steep coastline | [ Qaf p 230 ] |
| D i ng l e (Eire) | | | | | similar west-east coastline near hill |
| and semantically by geography. Note that Qafisheh found this in the Arabic of the Fertile Crescent ( only there ?) for falling out of a window. We thus fight off two unconvincing folk-etymologies, one referring to a guy in the early New Age and the Irish one to a much earlier Celt, this one dating back after 800 bChr.
☟
Such characteristic landmarks do not exist on the entire Jutish peninsula. However, there are two locations in Schwansen with names which could be derived from Gower - Gammel+by and Karb+y, the latter one on the northeastern edge of this peninsula. For such a derivation we have to assume an Old-Low-German malapropism of an original megalithic name - possible but impossible to prove.
Plea: 5 km south of Karby there are the field name Maaß, which locally doubtfully is explained as the oppposite of Holm ≡ elevation, and the name of an estate |
| (Rote) Maaß | ⭮ | mus: | ≡ | swamp, bog, fen | a megalithic site | [internettranslation] |
| (Hof) Damp | | mutamqa ʕ | | | amidst an ancient fen |
| inland between Schlei and Baltic. And in this site there is a cubic erratic boulder, albeit much smaller than that one of 🕋Gower.
The whole area looks like a dwelling mound in a fen, which later was impoldered, on the unprotected border of which there existed a burial site.
This etymology requests only the somewhat untypical, purely phonetical sound shift q → p .
☝
Norway's capital has the possible, straightforward and simple megalithic-Semiti(di)c etymologies - all of which pointing to the same, very early role - |
| Oslo | ⭮ | aṣ l ī
aṣ ī l
'aṣ l
aṣu l a
'uṣuu l | ≡
≡
≡
≡
≡ | initial, main, chief, basic
noble origin,deep-rooted
origin, foundation, main
deep-rooted
descent, lineage |
also to become firmly rooted
this plural even exhibits the u ! | [ WrC p 19 ]
[ WrK p 20 ] |
| as well, which indicate that this location at the end of a fjord was the first settlement of the Megalithicians, or at least developed rapidly to their center, the cuneiform root with r → l being given above in Old Sarum ❗
On the eastern shore of the Oslofjord there is the 10 m high hill with the name |
| Jell | ⭮ | e l y, ❛al ī y | ≡ | high, elevation | another ❛al ī y -example | [P&W],
[ WrK ❛al ī y ] |
| and even a shipburial [ G…P ]. We conclude that its first use and naming has to be dated back by at least 2000 years.
North-west of Oslo we find the stone of Svingerud with the easy to understand runic engraving i d i+berug.
At the exposed west-south-west coast of Norway the main settlement is |
| Sta+) vanger | ⭮ | sta+) w i j ār
sta+) wakr | ≡
≡ | den, lair, burrow
habitation, retreat, abode | plus nasalisation | [ WrC p 1050,
p 1095 ] |
| - a secure outpost at the end of a deep fjord after sailing across the North Sea. There also is the translation den of robbers, at times being a den of pirats. |
| 🎿 | With these etymologies we are able to outline the pre-history of Norway . |
| ☟ |
| Skagen | ⭮ | s-k-n | ≡ | calming down | where swell calms down | [ WBS s-k-n ] |
| | | sukkaan | ≡ | people, population | 2nd meaning |
| Whoever went by ferry from Norway to Frederikshavn in Jutland has experienced exactly that ! On Jutland's most northern island |
| Rå+bjerg Mile | ⭮ | r i h+bjerg m i l ᦱa | ≡ | wind+bjerg + swelling | what a Semit(id)ic playing with vocals | [ WrC p 919 ] |
| Ra+bjerg Knude | ⭮ | r i h+bjerg ka+θ i:b | ≡ | wind+bjerg knod | in wind ! b → n and ka+ a prefix |
| are two very high sand dunes, where obviously +bjerg was inserted when the old megalithic language no longer was understood and Denish mile ≡ shifting sand dune came into being exactly here. Because of Greek dune ≡ thīnós the etymology of dune remains unclear - Pelasgian? South of the Limfjord there is the town of |
| St+ruer | ⭮ | sta + ra:ħa | ≡ | very + calm | shielded by the island of Venø |
| at a bay where waves are minor compared to those of the open North Sea.
☞ |
| Aal (+borg | ⭮ |
e l y (+ ... | ≡ | elevation(s) (+... | up and down inside this city | [ P&W high(t) ] |
| - another example of the numerous Babylonian e l y-names along the shipping routes of Northern Europe - |
| Lim (+f j ord | ⭮ | ma:l i ħ (+ ... | ≡ | salty (+... | use ⇄ mirrowing for the main
information for seafarers | [ Lüneburg ] |
| with the challenge what is more important an information for people coming by ship from the west into that fjord - being salty or traveling along limestone banks?
☞ |
| Bremerholm | ⭮ | baram | ≡ | bend, curve | original name of Kopenhagen | [ R-L baram ] |
| | + ˁulūw | ≡ | city emblem | | [ Whr ˁu l ūw ] |
| From the two versions of the second part of the modern name we conclude that there were two populations at the time of the first settlement of Kopenhagen - Danes and foreign traders. But this is an artificial and probably medieval name.
In view of its secure and central location, Kopenhagen must have had a name long before, and this must denote a central place of this city. Actually there is the street Bremerholm, which leaves today's filled up Holmen-channel in northern direction at an angle of 90°. Exactly here, in the direction of the Kongens Nytorf place, was the first settlement inside the city, and a city emblem makes sense for arriving ships. When this channel was filled up in the middle ages, possibly it's original name was remembered.
☟ |
| Born+holm | ⭮ | barraan i + ˁulūw | ≡ | extreme + landmark, height | eastern border of the megalith-culture | [WBS p 31, p 23] |
| | burhaan + ˁulūw | ≡ | landmark | | [ B&H p 71 ] |
| The sound of the word is typical Germanic - as in many examples - but not Indo-European. It is clear that Bornholm is a landmark, seen from the sea, and there are no more megalithic signs to the east. Insofar bu ˁ ra ≡ focus [WBS] doubles the meaning. When ( how much ?) later the island with its steep cliffs and a height of 162 m was fortified with at least two castles, the name Burgundarholm came into being. We find here the same type of generating a name as for Malta.
☟ |
| Halla+nd | ⭮ | ḥall(a) | ≡ | home, homestead | first colony in the Baltic ? | [ Whr p 285 ] |
| Exploration by ship from the west hits Scandinavia exactly in Halland after sailing through the North Sea, the Skagerak and the Kattegat. So the first megalithic settlement should have come into being here, considerably north of Malmö. All megalithic settlements in the east should originate here. So Walhalla has to be searched in this area. haykal ≡ temple [ WBS h-y-k-l ] morphologically and sementically is close.
☟
On the Swedisch west coast one can see the landmark of the stretched peninsula |
| Kulla (+berg) | ⭮ | qul la | ≡ | upfold, summit, highest point | elevation 188 m | [WrK p 759] |
| from a long distance at the outlet of the sound. The waters around Cape Kullen are full of ship wrecks - hopefully one of the early megalithic era.
Likewise the name of the small island Coll at the Scottish westcoast, with an elevation of above 100 m, can be derived, and that in the Nordic language kullr is a round summit.
☟
Proceeding to the south a ship will stop at |
| Malm+ö | ⭮ | ma+lymân | ≡ | ma+harbour | characterised
by it's harbour | [ Spi p 398 ] |
| with natural harbour, protected by foothills, which during the era of the Hanse led to the name Elbogen - compare with the Elbogen in the north of List on the German island of Sylt. Sandheaps and harbour bars are everywhere on this coast and not suitable for giving a name - using them leads to a typical folk-etymology.
☟
Sailing south one arrives at |
| Falster(+bo | ⭮ | falaẓ + faślâ | ≡ | separated + to the left | glued together from: | [ Stg p 803, p 792 ] |
| on larbord. Sailing south, this peninsula and likewise the southern island of Falster lies to the left of the narrow, long, curved and for sailing boats difficult to navigate − tâ t ≡ long, twisted [Stg p 622] − Guldborgsund. This is difficult to find at a first trial and has to be penetrated deeply − tâ '̢i n ≡ penetrate deeply [Stg p 623]. Because of fâta l ≡ distorted, curved [Stg p 774] this name is a sailing instruction, which otherwise is unexplainable. This instruction also applies to the peninsula Falsterbo at the southwest corner of southern Sweden, which nearly is an island.
This Semitic word is a Sumerian loan as well bal.ri ≡ opposite shore [ Ppl 1 p 32 ] which in Hungarian even became to the left.
☟ |
| Gedser | ⭮ | g i dâr | ≡ | wall | like in Cádiz, G(j)edes+by | [ Spi p 112 ] |
| Its geographical situation is such similiar to that one of the later phoenician town Cadiz on the Costa de la Luz, that one should here like there look for an ancient wall. In the middle of Falster there is the virket, in Cadiz it should be the connection between the coastline and the original island. However, this today is overbuilt. The similiarity is such striking that one can speculate whether the early settlers in Gedser came from Cadiz. The distance from there can be covered in one summer, clearly with many stopovers in between.
gașr ≡ palace, manor [ R-L p 382 ], gād i r ≡ powerful [p 369] and gada ع ≡ stretched [B&H p 162] fit also. It is difficult to decide which of those alternatives fits for Għadira Bay and Font Għadir in Malta.
Altogether this is a typical name for an important center of a people which rules the waves. But the capital Noatun if the Vanir should have kept its name over time, which in Cadiz - and Gedser - is not the case.
☟
The next stopover at the southern coast of Sweden is | [ B&H p 150 ] |
| Trelle(+borg | ⭮ | ta+ r i ع عaal (+borg | ≡ | ta+ resettle (+borg | systematic settling down | [ WBS r-ع-l ] |
| on a promontory in the center of a long stretched bay. With only one laryngeal this also has the simplier meaning to migrate ( of people ).
It is possible that the double laryngeal ع ع is preserved in the double consonant l l.
Does all this describe first megalithic settlers from England ?
Assuming this derivation for the numerous similiar-sounding place names along the northern coasts [ Krn maps 554, 556 ], for instance for the hamlet Troja near Sewekow in Mecklenburg, an open question is solved, since the place name Troja, Greek Ilion, was unknown before 1200 bChr in northern Europe. Probably this modern form developed from earlier ones only in later times, when its original meaning long since was forgotten.
☟
This implies that the people of the next station to the east |
| Y+stad | ⭮ | yvrem | ≡ | island of copper | meaning Ireland / Eire | [ Ven Kap 22 ] |
| were settlers of the island of copper Eire / Ireland. Since here only one letter exists, we have to conclude from the geographical and etymological context.
☟ |
| Swim+varos | ⭮ | s-w-m | ≡ | to haggle, to barter | hence (sea) emporium | [ WBS s-w-m ] |
| wherin the + separation is an assumption, which becomes possible only because of this etymology. This became Simris+hamn, perhaps with several intermediate steps.
☟ |
| Tuma(+thorpe | ⭮ | tuhma | ≡ | appeal (+court | initially the central place | [ R-L p 80 ] |
| hence must be seen in a geographical context since located 8 km to the west being better protected against raids. We think piracy to be an early phenomenon, much earlier than the Anglo-Saxons and the Vikings. Only later - in the middle ages (?) - the place on the coast became more important.
tamman ≡ to barter [p 78] also is possible – with the disadvantage that two neighbouring places would have been named by the same principle, but with different words.
☟ |
| skerry, Schäre | ⭮ | ⎰arak | ≡ | network | meaning of channels | [internettranslation] |
| alone isn't necessarily a proof of a megalithic settlement because this word has broad semantic fields in the Semitic and the Indo-European languages, hence can be a shared word. Hence we can argue here only from the geographic context, which does not convince with the three islands around the socalled Pea-islands 18 km north-east of Bornholm.
☟ |
| Birka | ⭮ | b i r ka | ≡ | pond, pool | completely identical word | [ Whr p 83 ] |
| accordingly got its name not from the big lake, an island of which it is located upon, but from a little pond which later was included into the fortifications of that expanding place. Since Birka is located far from the coast it should have been the only fortified location in that area.
☟ |
| Smal+and | ⭮ | š i ma l | ≡ | north (of the border) | later expanded | [ WBS š-m-l ] |
| This etymology fits better than one from the middle ages, which is much too late. Later it was expanded to the whole of the area north of the Baltic. Only in the west - nowadays Norway - it was translated into the new Germanic language. |
| ✚ | Given these etymologies we now are able to outline the pre-history of Sweden . |
| Does this imply that in the whole area around the Baltic names were given accordingly, in the west in Jutland and in the east from Pomerania on eastwards?
It is temptng to translate Ma+sur+en, the southern part of East Prussia, as most eastern, since there is no other etymology.
🐮 This is the case for the southern border of the Megalithicians, which hence must be |
| Mecklenburg | | | | ☎ | Mecklenburg, Suava,
Brandenburg,Sachsen | [ this webpage ] |
| resp. at its southern border. For the west of the windrose we find in the northeastern corner of Schwansen |
Karby,
1335 Gerebu | ⭮ | ghreb | ≡ | west | like Ma+ghreb |
| - seperated from this peninsula by the wet ditch of a creek, the trespassing to this peninsula in a peninsula south of the Schlei being protected by the castle Gerebu, today with a new name. Thence
the center of this windrose Smaland - Masuren - Mecklenburg - Karby ,
hence the center of the Vanir before the arrival of the Indo-Europeans,
has to be located on the islands of Bornholm or Rügen.
☛ |
| See(+land | ⭮ | su | ≡ | liquid (+land | also in the delta of the Rhine |
| Møn | ⭮ | mun+hadu | ≡ | slope, cliff | a 100 m high cliff | [internettranslation] |
| Lol+land | ⭮ | laˀlaˀa | ≡ | to flicker, to shine | since at dead level | [ WrC p 852 ] |
| Because of the large sheets of water in interior Lolland this is a likely possibility, since those can be seen from a ship's crow's nest or an elevated spot at the western coastline of the neighboring island Falster. Hence this is not a corrupted name but one from the early megalithic settlers thereon.
☟
On the island of Rügen, halfway between Arkona and Stubbenkammer the isthmus |
| Schaabe | ⭮ | š i bhˀa ğuzur | ≡ | peninsula | sounds neither German | [Whr p 631] |
| | ⎰aaba | ≡ | trial to reach something | nor Slavic but Arabic ! | [ B&H p 452 ] |
| connects the main part of the island Rügen with the peninsula Wittow. Its modern shape is due to water engeneering in the early middle age. Before it should have been a maze of sand- and flint banks, sounds and tricky passages and may have been located further out in the Baltic.
☜
This passage, and also that one of Hiddensee in the west, is overviewed from the hill |
| Hoch)+i l | ⭮ | ˀ i ˁ l ā ˀ | ≡ | elevation, high | | [ Whr pp 875, |
| +gor | | + ˀ aqra ˁ | ≡ | + callow | or qarn ≡ summit / ˁuqr ≡ middle | 1019, 1021, 860 ] |
| on the peninsula Lebbin in the central sound of Rügen - which at all times was an ideal observation spot for the whole of Rügen. The loss of n in qarn should be a Slavonisation. Which consequently also was the case for the surrounding |
| Lebbin | ⭮ | l aw i n | ≡ | bend, crook | | [Whr p 1176] |
| | l ubb | ≡ | interior | fits geographically too | [Whr p 1138] |
| peninsula, necessarily being surrounded by ships in order to reach Rügen's main settlements Sagard and Ralswiek from Hiddensee in the west. |
| Um+manz | ⭮ | um+mašuţ | ≡ | mother of reed | sounds very Arabic | [ R-L p 464 ] |
| The island of Ummanz – like those of Zudar and Tachlim ( ⭯ Anklam ) these names sound more Semitic than German or Slavic – has no cliff line, and is surrounded by a ring of water and behind a ring of islands. The open sea cannot be seen from any point on this island. Incidentally the prefix um+ ≡ very, much is typical for Arabic place names.
☟ |
| Waase | ⭮ | wasat | ≡ | middle | main place of island Ummanz |
| Zudar | ⭮ | šudūr | ≡ | remote, isolated, section | sounds Arabic | [ Whr p 641 ] |
| Pritz(+wald | ⭮ | pretan | ≡ | wood of the tin people | on the island Zudar |
| Hidden(+see | ⭮ | hadd + (su | ≡ | to surround | a barrier for ships | [ Spi p 125 ] |
| ☟ |
| Gell+ort | ⭮ | ma+ḥall | ≡ | Ort ( ḥ → g ) | typical doubling | [Whr p 286] |
| Inspite of this typical doubling this etymology can be seen only in the context of the many other ones in this area.
☟ | [R-L p 93] |
| Mu+kran | ⭮ | muqa+r | ≡ | tief, vertieft | Hafen, künstlich vertieft ? | [ Whr p 1046 ] |
| The prefix Mu+ can explain the brack+water, which [KS] see with a possible m instead of the b. If so the meaning would be flat and low lying water.
☟ |
| Bin(t)z(e) | ⭮ | bunduq | ≡ | hazelnut(bushes) | herein collectively fits | [ WBS b-n-d-q ] |
| Binz on the eastern coast of the island of Rügen differs topographically only little from its northern and southern neighboring places. With its sandy beaches it is no harbor for boats with keels. Only because of that here a naming from flora and fauna can be considered. In general such a naming is less likely than one from its topography, since flora and fauna usually are the same in neighboring places.
☟ |
| Darß | ⭮ | darz | ≡ | seam, selvage | took place 6000 years ago | [Whr p 385] |
| exists also in the form Darze two times at the southern border of the megalith-culture.
☟ |
| Fischland | ⭮ | i l-faș i ch | ≡ | shifted place | by loosing sand | [ WBS f-ș-l ] |
| ☟ |
| Zingst | ⭮ | z i yaada | ≡ | to grow, to increase | by sedimented sand | [ WBS z-y-d ] |
| We don't know how the line Fischland-Darß-Zingst was looking like 6000 years ago - but probably congruent to today's one, inspite of many storm floods and continuous sand shifting from Fischland to the isthmus Darß and to the end of Zingst. Thus a large area became a narrow passage and two small islands became two large ones.
The last three etymologies fit better than the usual ( typical folk- ) etymologies.
☟ |
| Bar (+höfd | ⭮ | barr (+Haupt | ≡ | solid land (+head | on solid soil | [ Whr p 76 ] |
| The first silble bar+ is explained as contrast to the many shifts of the sandy sections along this coastline, formed by numerous storm floods. The second syllable stems from German - hence meaning together English lands end.
☟ |
| Stra l+sund | ⭮ | šāraș + ❌ + ʤun | ≡ | to destroy, to crush [Aram] + bay | both words superstrat | [ Bru 492. ] |
| |
| is a possibility with ❌ from ely ≡ at the top in Assyrian. But then a t still is missing and the semantic understanding becomes questionable. It is wiser to use German |
| |
| Stra l ← Strudel | ⭮ | sta + raḍḍ + ru ᒼ l a | ≡ | very + to crush + ring / circle | with d and r grinded off | [ WrC p 343+p 346 ] |
| |
| instead, where Strudel [❓] ≡ maelstrom , and certainly not the typical folk-etymology of a Slavic bowshot across this sound. Supposedly the maelstrom has been completely changed by new-age dams and bridges.
☟ |
| Tachlim | ⭮ | 'i ql ī m | ≡ | province (⭯ Anklam) | hence not the capital | [Whr p 1055] |
| | taqlym | ≡ | to cut out, ~ off | in semantic field resp.even root | [ Spi p 95 ] |
| The initial T in the first German written record of Anklam obviously is a stem enlargement [Whr p XX] or simply due to the grammar [Spi p 69]. This derivation can be secured by one of the likewise unexplained
| Anklam ⭮ | Tachlim ← | ta+'i ql ī m | ≡ | ta + province |
| Tadel ⭮ | | ta+'uḏ l | ≡ | ta + blame | [Whr p 824] |
[ KS Tadel ]. Here it becomes clear the the 18th letter ع of the Arabic alphabet on the one hand has become nowadays 'Ain, on the other hand German h, which sometimes is pronounced - for instance in naheliegend - and sometimes not - for instance in Nahverkehr. Morphologically even closer is taqlym ≡ to cut out and clearly semantically fitting [Spi p 95]. This area hence was only settled later by the Megalithicians from the west, which makes sense geographically. And did they settle in the Sam(b)land only in trading spots, because this strip along the coast does not belong to their culture?
And does this also hold for more eastern territories, wherefrom the name Finn can be explained as the name of the people in the farest eastern phoenician trading posts. The Finno-Ugrian languages give no explanation for this name!
☟ |
| Saal | ⭮ | sahl | ≡ | plain | a flat neighborhood | [ R-L p 236 ] |
| This etymology was used above for Lemsahl in Hamburg, and for the Salians, mostly assumed as being Franks, as southern neighbors of the Frisians in the Dutch and North German Plain up to the low mountain ranges.
☜ |
| Ribn(+itz | ⭮ | rawāb i n | ≡ | small hills | plural hence ridge | [ Whr p 449 ] |
| These hills go better with Ribnitz than with Barth, where they are used for a Slavic etymology. Because the Klosterbach flows around them before it fows into the Bodden, and the resulting peninsula looks like a ridge seen from the Bodden, the town of Ribnitz being built upon. In the Slavic era this meaning was forgotten and the name, augmented by +i tz, became a fishwater. The disadvantage of this Slavic derivation: All the other rivers in this area contain the same concentration of fish.
☜
In contrast, in Jutland's Ribe south of the water castle there only is one spot, from which a hill can be seen - on top the church - |
| Ribe | ⭮ | rab i ya | ≡ | small hill | singular |
| ☜ |
| Reckn(+itz | ⭮ | rukn | ≡ | angle | no doubling | [ Whr p 498 ] |
| Simple logic proves that this is no doubling: If the second part is Slavic, the first must come from another language. Because the geography fits - the Recknitz flows at its spring as the crow flies until it turns at a right angle into the glacial valley, and then again as the crow flies into the Bodden. Hence its course is characterized by a right angle between two straight lines. This distinguishes her from all other rivers, flowing into the Baltic and therefore qualifies for giving a name.
☟ |
| Raxxa | ⭮ | raqqa
raxxa | ≡
≡ | transparant water
to sprinkle | meaning clear water be-
case of shallow water | [Whr p 488]
[ AqM raxxa ] |
| We have to look her for a especially clean river: On one hand all rivers around are of the same quality. However, before the canalisation of late, the Elde was characterised by numerous rapids and there the water usually is cleaner as elsewhere. Hence it is more likely river Rax(x)a, where Otto the Great 955 defeated a Slavic coalition, than river Recknitz. Moreover along its course the name Re(e)ke(n) upends several times.
☟ |
| Warn+ow | ⭮ | warram | ≡ | to upswell | today only medical | [ B&H p 934 ] |
| During Roman times Ptolemy refers to a river chalusos in this area. This is a shortcut of modern Greek kataklusmos ≡ flooding, overflow. Obviouslay this is a translation of the name of a river, the biggest one between Trave and Peene. But contrary to those the Warnow does not cross a chain of big lakes, which can prevent floodings. Hence the name is well defined. Later it became the name of the Germanic tribe in this river valley. After the Warnen left for the south it also became the name of a Slavic tribe, adding a Slavic suffix.
This Greek translation resp. description also can have given the name to the Germanic tribe of the Chauci between the Lower rivers Weser and -Elbe. It would then be, however, a misunderstanding because it were the Frisians and not another tribe, living there in an area of frequent floodings. This risk is high at the river mouths, especially high at that of the river Elbe, which is a broad cone exactly in the main direction of the prevailing West winds. Because of this misunderstanding the direct Semit(id)ic derivation of the name Chauci is more likely.
☟ |
| Peene | | | | ☎ discussion | main waterway Baltic-Elbe | [ this website ] |
| ☟ |
| Wol l i+n | ⭮ | wal i yy + i n | ≡ | official watchguard | | [ B&H p 956, p 957 ] |
| fits exactly to the eastern border of the megalith-culture, which is not far from there in Hinterpomerania. Assuming a borderland on this island - this is a classical place - clearly the question arises, why the Germanic language developed at Seddin and not on this island. Reasons should have been the protected situation at river Stepenitz and the impossibility of circumventing the area of Seddin.
Guess: The roughness of these guardians remained until the Viking era.
This etymology and especially this special meaning is also contained in the name of the village Walow at the center of the land between the 5 lakes.
☝ | with offensive,
aggressive
undertone |
| Use+dom | ⭮ | ˁ i šaš + dom | ≡ | huts + dwelling | dom is Slavic, hence doubling | [ Spi p 142 ] |
| then corresponds to Wollin's role as a multiply protected insular settlement behind a borderland, whereas Anklam already is a province. The missing d in the first Slavic written record is explained by the assumption of an enduring presence of megalithic, later Germanic turned people together with a lukewarm Slavonisation in early middle age.
☟ |
| Weich+sel | ⭮ | wačča + saal | ≡ | landing + plain | also to camp out + | [ WBS w-č-y ] |
| naturally has a splendid Indo-European etymology. But since that means the same as that one of the river Weser, and the megalithic seafarer must have known both rivers, this Sem i t (id) ic one has its merit.
Together with the two following ones we get a series of etymologies, which mutually validitate each other.
☟ |
| Hela | ⭮ | ha i l, xe l ā | ≡ | piled up sand,
place in desert | plus many fitting variants | [ Whr p 1369 ], |
| for instance applies to hall ≡ to appear [ Spi hall ] too, since its length is its main feature, and this also holds for hâlu ≡ vacant [ Spi hâlu ] - for hunters and gatherers Hela is inhabitable. Even hala ≡ desert [Spi p 162] describes its sand dunes accurately and moreover – Hela sounds typical Sem i t (id) ic.
☟ | [ R-L p 147 ] |
| Sam(b+land | ⭮ | sam(ā)ūw | ≡ | elevating highly ( b ↔ w ) | seen from the sea | [ Whr p 600 ] |
| This standard sound shift b ↔ w is an extraordinary verification for the Semiti(di)c content in the Germanic languages, compare Somerset above, Sembzin on the western shore of the Müritz and the following Usedom-examples like Zemp+in at the narrowest isthmus of the island of Usedom, which sometimes may have been a channel connecting the Baltic with the Achterwasser and the Bodden. This channel is flanked by two elevations, in the west by the Griep(+ow) ⭮ garib ≡ west, in the east by the 60 m high |
St+reck+el
+s/ | ⭮ | sta+raqqa+ˤ i l û | ≡ | → +ascending+height | highest point on the Bal-
tic coast of Usedom | [WBS p 192]
[Spi p 137] |
| mountain as a landmark. In between we explain the name Koser+ow exactly like above Cossyra (Pantelleria) - by shipping around this place through this passage into the Bodden.
Mathematically we thus get one geographic cluster and one semantic limit point of four names each, both of which otherwise remain unexplained.
☞ |
| Thorn | ⭮ | ṭ aran | ≡ | wet lands | on river Weichsel | [WrC p 103] |
| hence is not a foundation of the middle age, but has to be looked at as megalithic colony and a trading point outside their heartland. Only much later the Teutonic Knights refounded their city 5 miles to the south in order to escape frequent flooding.
☜
Given that the eastern border of the megalith-culture has been somewhere in Hinterpomerania, it becomes now clear that it included |
| Kujawien | ⭮ | ၎ urayy i b | ≡ | nearby, close to | from river Weichsel westward | [ B&H p 690 |
| | ၎ urab i i z | ≡ | in the area of responsibility | less likely | p 691 ] |
| to the south, which also is strewn with megalithic sites. Probably numerous of which fell victim to Prussian road and railway construction of the early modern era. From this meaning we conclude that the southern borders of Kujawien and the megalith-culture fell together.
Like at river Elbe at rivers Oder and Weichsel there hence should have been upstream more megalithic trading posts, hence megalithic place names. Therefore and from a look at its geographical distribution
and their trading included some hard drink brewed from the typical hard wheat and served in funnel beakers. Why this culture left traces only east of the North Sea and none on the British Isles❓ The same question arises on the Walternienburg-culture at river Elbe.
From there to the south we find another area, which for sure was not megalithic, but open to invasions from the south-east, especially that one, which led to Ragnarök and the final fall of the Siegfried-line along river Elbe, i.e. |
| Posen | ⭮ | pesēnu
pašāḫu(m) | ≡ | (to) hide, keep secret
(to) cool down, rest of troops | +ma is a already cuneiform suf-
fix for even, likewise, too, mainly | [ P&W p 83 ]
[BGP p 268 |
| | | | and morphologically and semantically also close by |
| ⭮ | paᦱṣu(m)
pasāḫu(m) | ≡
≡ | off-duty of troops
march on, advance | until Ragnarök
this from Mari | ···
p 268 ] |
| − and some more in [BGP] and [P&W] for letter p − which show that this land was a military backyard for the invading Indo-Europeans, the „Huns''.
This does not mean that this region was megalithic, but settled down people are more likely to pass down their names than invaders looking for opportunities.
☞ |
| Kaschub(+ei | ⭮ | kaṣû(m) | ≡ | cold place | Germans from Prussia still call
their homeland Kalte Heimat | [ BGP p 151 ] |
| is located between Pomerania and East Prussia, i.e nearly totally in West Prussia, with an own western Slavic language, still spoken by some local people. Note that East Prussia is known for low temperatures during wintertide - and this in turn may be the reason that megalithic sites east of Pomerania cease to exist.
☞ |
| Riga | ⭮ | rağan | ≡ | spatial end | seen from the sea | [Whr p 457] |
| is the sailing advice at the end of the bay, refering to the Bay of Riga. It also can mean the most eastern end of the megalithic colonies at this coast, because they - as later the Phoenicians in general - didn't penetrate the hinterlands.
☝
In contrast far from the coast is |
| Dorpat | ⭮ | darf+at | ≡ | flank, side, shield +at | +at is Arabic plural | [Whr p 387] |
| situated – Estonian Tartu. The first settlement there is supposed to have been on top of the cathedral's hill. Plural herein also applies to because downhill at the Embach there was another settlement. Considering in addition Woodhead, Beene's [ WBS ṭ-r-f ≡ far end ] we assume an advanced (trading) post of the megalith-culture, which was heavily fortified and probably had a mixed population.
That the German version of this place name is closer to the Semit(id)ic one than the first written record Tharbatu can be due to the large Semit(id)ic part of Germanic, which the other Indo-European language groups don't have.
All this gives rise to the conclusion
4000 years earlier there was sort of a Hansa around North- and Baltic Sea,
which was characterised by trading interests. The religious minded center with its majority of megalithic people ended in Hinterpommerania.
☜ | |
| Röm (+ö | ~ | Oomram (Amrum) | | very broad | sandbeaches along the coastline |
| ≀ | | ≀ | | | | raml ≡ sand |
| Ram(+stedt | ~ | Rüml+and | | places inland | on sanddunes upon the Geest, |
| sand being the common denominator in all four places of Schleswig. Friesian Oomram combines Arabic umm+ with +sand. Note that all four places are situated in originally Friesian areas. Ramstedt lies between the marshy valley of river Treene and a koog, and Rümland between Hollingstedt and Treia even keeps the +l - which much later became +land. Since the West Friesian island Ame land likewise is characterised by sand we infer a loss of an initial r, perhaps due to *Vasconic challenging initial r. In addition the sand-situation makes the linguistic boost from Ameland to Amrum understandable, this in turn making it likely that the same seafarer were exploring this coast eastwards.
☟ |
| Sylt | ⭮ | sanṭala-t | ≡ | length | sounding Semitic | [ Stg p 513 ] |
| derivation from sîla-t ≡ current, river mouth, discharge (water) [Stg p 522] also fits since this some 40 km long coastline lies between two water courses, which surely already defined the borders of this coastline in the first record. Probably then it was situated further west, being a long-stretched sand dune. Hence sahila-t ≡ smooth soil [Stg p 515] also could be used for giving a name. All these alternatives share the same likelyhood and, taken together, make this name another shortcut sailing advice.
If the island of Sylt has moved over the milleniums only one kilometer to the east, it can have been even 5 kilometers longer.
☟ |
| Föhr | ⭮ | faḫr | ≡ | fame, glory, pride | there a capital? | [Whr p 947] |
| Fehmarn | | | | | there the 2nd capital? |
| or | ↖ | faḫāma | ≡ | head of state | honorary title | [Whr p 947] |
| Presen | ⭮ | pretan | ≡ | tin(+people) ↔ British | hamlet on Fehmarn | [ Ven p 733 ] |
| ☜ |
| Val+hall(a) | ⭮ | wal + ḥal l(a) | ≡ | friend, saint + to reside | also to let, reside | [Whr p 285] |
| Hans Wehr shows how much larger the semantic neighborhood and -field of wal+ [ Whr p 1437ff ] are in Arabic than in Indo-European [ KS Walstatt ].
Hence the Baltic and Tocharian versions have to be understood. Probably it penetrated into the Baltic languages by contact east of Pomerania and Eastprussia, but for Tocharian we have to assume that both versions were in contact with the Semitic world or that both descended from the urnfield-culture in central Europe. The large content of non-Indo-European words in Tocharian must have been due to the inclusion of other languages on their long trip eastwards.
With Arlette Roth-Laly we here can include the translation warrior, which fits a little bit better into the Germanic sagas, getting | [ R-L p 536 ]
[ Spi p 507 ] |
| Val+kyrie | ⭮ | wal qarrar i
wal + karrama | ≡ | warrior + ordaining fate
warrior + honoring | typical supersstrat lore | [internettranslation] |
| ☝ | | ☝ | | ☝ | ☝mm | [ ☝ ] |
| place / term | | Semitic / Arabic | | translation | comment | [ source ] |
| |
lists many of such wysiwyg-(superstrat-) etymologies. Therein we could substitute the arrow ⭮ by a double left arrow, since we only list etymologies wherein semantic and morphology of the words go in tandem.
These derivations, especially that of the otherwise unexplainable name Arkona – there Halbinsel ≡ peninsula wouldn't be appropriate – clearly are a triumph for the theory of the Semiti(di)c ancestry of the megalith-culture! Since Ecke ≡ edge also is somewhat reasonably anchored in Indo-European, this is a hint for quite early a contact of Semitics and Indo-Europeans as well.
Truro, Borkum, Bremen, Sylt, Röm, Falster, Arkona, Stralsund, Saal, Samland and Riga are sailing advices, some of them even warnings, which again stress the maritime character of the megalith-culture. All of these namings look like being invented according to a scheme - a maritime one! Without the Semiti(di)c Ansatz this would look like a mingle-mangle of arbitrary folk-etymologies, which for Hansa, Anklam, Ummanz and some others would have no solution.
In addition the names of the two early alphabets, found on megalithic territories,
| | | | | | | table Ogam/Runen |
| | gamz | ≡ | (communicating by) giving signs | | [Whr p 927], [ Spi p 320 ] |
| | mu ˁ ğam, ġām i :ḍ | ≡ | dark, secret | early role of writing | [ Whr p 816, p 928 ] |
| Og(h)am | ⭮ | gāwab | ≡ | message, note | purpose of this discovery | [ Spi p 164 ] |
| | عammam * | ≡ | to proclaim | * several similar variants | [ WBS p 324 ] |
| | mu ˁ ğam i | ≡ | dictionary | meaning many letters | [Whr p 816] |
| ≀ | | ≀ |
| | ruqan / a | ≡ | spell, hex, cantrip | is exactly the tradition | [internettranslation] |
| | rahn | ≡ | deposit, pawn | another practice | [ Spi p 213 ] |
| rune | ⭮ | ranūw, ranan | ≡ | to gaze at | meaning to read | [ WrK p 370 ] |
| | rāq i n | ≡ | sorcerer | scribes were sorcerers | [Whr p 493] |
| | raqama | ≡ | to write, to mark | root of this semantic field | [Whr p 492] |
| |
thus find surprisingly natural translations, where we can suppose that the commemoration of their meanings never was lost over the millennia. They are a further hint for Vennemann's derivation of the runic alphabet from an earlier Semitic predecessor [ V&N Kap.27 ], from which the later Phoenician alphabet is derived also. This hint, however, is not as strong as that of the DNA of the female skeleton from Gotland [ SM& ], which originates from the Levant as well.
Still lacking for a final proof of this migration out of the eastern Mediterranean around the Iberian peninsula is the discovering of wrecks to be dated in this early era - from the Levant to the Baltic coasts. | ☜
The name of the druids usually is derived - not convincingly - from Celtic. However, our derivation from the first ancient high civilisation in western Europe is more likely than one from Celtic, the last but one culture, given that this first one has left impressing constructions rather than the Celts. It is secure to assume that the megalith-culture was astrological minded, which in this early era meant theologically. Its prevalent clergy survived the first Indo-European invasion at (1200) b Chr and even the second, the Celtic one, to be eradicated only by the Romans, who inspite of their religous tolerance did not tolerate any other reason of state.
| |
| dru i d, Drude | ⭮ | dara i | ≡ | knowing, sorceress | [Langenscheidt's internettranslation] |
| | d i ra (i d i raaya) | ≡ | to find out | [ WBS p 157 ] |
| |
| | daara | ≡ | to take care of | [ - || - ] |
| | mdaaraa | ≡ | care, service, attention | [ - || - ] |
| | dar i d | ≡ | suffering, torture, disaster | [ WBS d-r-d ] |
| |
gives an Semiti(di)c etymology, which characterises druids and the German Druden as priestly caste with secret knowledge – the knowing ones. Medical expertise also may have played a role. The missing final +d can be found in Hebrew da'ad ≡ knowledge (internettranslation). Question: How many astronomical terms came that way into the Germanic languages? Sun, moon and stars are the first shots. Drudenfuß ≡ pentagon, Nacht + trut and Druden+stein [ KS Drude ] may be examples. However, listing here English truth, true and German treu, trauen, Traute there results a difficulty, that there also is the Greek equivalent [ KS treu ]. Hans Wehr has in this semantic field such many words ( immortality - cloister - circle - to circle - ringlike - halo, in addition might - protector ), that one has to associate the druids to the British stone circles – hence not to the much later Celts. Conversely - some religious rituals of the megalith culture become unveiled. This substitutes many supposedly Celtic rites by much older megalithic ones. We even backtrack this name to cuneiform-Assyrian
| |
| dru i d | ⭮ | idû
+radû | ≡
≡ | know(ledge)
+(to) derive | | mmn⸻[ P&W p 213
+ p 91 |
| |
| with alternatives for the second row |
| | +r i ddu | ≡ | + conduct, educated⸻ | | p 94 |
| dru i d | ⭮ | ṭ erdu | ≡ | investigation | Akkadian | p 127 ] |
| |
– convincingly, also because of mu+dû p i r i št i ≡ possessor of secret knowledge – given the biblical lore of the Chaldaeans as the Mag i ( from the Orient ). The last line above hints some cruelty, which continued until Celtic times. The likewise Semiti(di)c etymologies
| |
| fairy, fay | ⭮ | fa ˁ ta:t | ≡ | girl, maid | [Langenscheidt's | internettranslation] |
| Mo+ | ⭮ | ma+ | ≡ | very, strong (as stress) | [ - || - ] |
| +rgana | ⭮ | +ru ˀ an / a | ≡ | visions | [ - || - ] |
| | | at least the last two rows can be backtracked into Assyrian / Akkadian |
| | mā+ | ≡ | thus, as follows, meaningmmmmmmmm | same meaning as above | [ P&W p 57 |
| | ragāmu | ≡ | prophesy, preach | | p 91 ] |
| |
underpin these conclusions convincingly. This, however, leaves the Fata Morgana ( from Italian ? ) ≡ looming unexplained and its Arabic translation does not fit in here. The g to ˀ polishing to a laryngeal is a standard sound shift in many languages. The fairy Morgana hence is megalithic girl with strong visions, hence a seeress. We hence have to conclude that the word fairy also is a Semitic loan. Thirdly we derive Avalon from the megalithic language – and not from Celtic:
| |
| Avalon | ⭮ | abada l-a | ≡ | forever, eternal | ⸻⸻mmn | [ Whr abad, p 1 ] |
| | | | sehr/stark (als Betonung)mmmm |
technically can apply only to Stonehenge, which after all is some 2000 years older than the everlasting city of Rome. Whence the river Avon must reflect this and
| | | | sehr/stark (als Betonung)mmmm |
| Merlin | ⭮ | mu+marran | ≡ | experienced, wise | [ Whr mumarran ] |
| | mu+marr i n | ≡ | experienced teacher | [ Whr mumarrin ] |
| |
becomes plausible, only l → r in modern Arabic polished off. Altogether there is the commutative diagram
| | | | | diagram | Avalon |
| abada l-a | ≡ | (the) everlasting | | da(r) i (d) | ≡ | (the) knowing |
| ⭮ | | | | ⭮ |
| Avalon | | | | druid |
| |
| fa ˁ ta:t ma+ru ˀ an / a | ≡ | seeress | | mu+marr i n | ≡ | wise teacher |
| ⭮ | | | | ⭮ |
| Fee Morgana | | | | Merlin |
| |
of three people and one place from the now megalithic history, which afterwards became a saga. All these translations coincide with their roles in the sagas. However, the sagas together with these names were first made Celtic and afterwards Roman sagas ( or vice versa ). Theo Vennemann also traces the fabled river Ladon at Avalon back to this era [ Ven p 634 ]. Because of Arabic ladun ≡ close (by) here the translation of a Phoenician tale into Greek led to a misunderstanding. Instead of the river near by the Greek understood the river Ladun. Or the name of the river Avon was shortened over the time to the Close. This should be compared to the etymology of London above. Meanwhile skeletons near Stonehenge of this era were traced back to all over Britain. Therefore Ave+ ⭮ ma+hwan ≡ place of desire [Whr p 1365] gives a better understanding for this in this plain typical name than the traditional Celtic water one. Because this plain in southern England is not earmarked for water. This understanding makes Stonehenge and Avebury a kind of Jerusalen, Rome resp. Mekka . From such an early relation between Britian and the Baltic we even can understand the otherwise unexplained tribe's name of the Slavic Obodrits in Eastern Holsatia and western Mecklenburg: Abu+ is contained in many Arabic tribe's names. This translates to simply the the fathers of knowledge, hence misssionaries of the faith of the megalith-culture, which spread this faith along the Baltic from (3700) vChr on to the east, successfully up to Hinterpomerania. Early Lübeck hence should have been also a center of faith - in contrast to the main center in Hamburg. This makes the Obodrits to antagonists of the secular Wagrians, the glorious ones.
| | Arabic | | | steps | in | | semantic field | table seasons |
| Lenz | ⭮ | z i ra ح | ≡ | to plant | l ↔ r, ⇄ | z i raf | ≡ | to dig a hole | [ WBS p 202 ] |
| summer | ⭮ | șêf | ≡ | summer | m ↔ f | saḫḫan | ≡ | to heat (up) | [ Spi p 281, p 136 ] |
| harvest | ⭮ | ḥușâd | ≡ | harvest (fall) | r╱ b╱ | ḥ i șaș | ≡ | share | [Spi p 135], [ Whr p 261 ] |
| winter | ⭮ | ś i twyya | ≡ | wintry | s ↔ r, ⇄ | śadyd | ≡ | harsh, severe, hard | [Spi p 321, p 239 ] |
| |
with Arabic expressions, which also can be found in Maltese [ AqE ], however, not in Basque. The necessary sound shifts there lack plausability - whence the separation of the Basque must be much older than that of Indo-European and Semitic. The same conclusions follow from Arabic yăqa ≡ collar ( meaning yoke ) [ WrC p 1105 ].
The broad semantic fields of which indicate the direction of the loan. This means that these expressions in no case can have travelled from Germanic into Semitic. Moreover, since both Germanic words for sheep have a Semit(id)ic origin, megalithic seefarer must not only have had seeds on bord - hard wheat - but also sheep. Hence hard wheat and sheep did not come the direct way to the north, i.e. by diffusion, but relatively suddenly by the megalithic migration of a people . The n in German Lenz even must not be a nasalisation, but may come from the future we shall plant [WBS p 202]. Since in the Levant the seasons spring and fall hardly are visible their derivation from harvesting is especially convincing.
Likewise typical Semit(id)ic are the names of the wind rose, for example the provinces of Lower Egypt north of Cairo [ Spi p XIII ]. Therefore we still miss place names like Sark, Masark or something similar in the east and Gar(i)b in the west of the Baltic. We cannot expect here Magrib, because when the megalith-culture arrived at the Baltic the knowledge of the Maghreb in western Northafrica was immanent. A naming like near west for the Jutish peninsula is more likely. To explain likewise
Masur+en ⭮ ma+šark╱+en ≡ far east+en
is possible although this area is not located on the coast, but needs to extend Brynhild's Suava to the south till Jumne and Rethra. And therefore the same holds for- because the area around Suwalki is legendary for its fertility - although it is situated inland far from the sea.
Doubtful is trying to derive accordingly the name of the Estonian capital Reval, Tal(l)in(n) , known for sure to the early megalithic seafarer. The German knights of the Schwertbrüderorden named it from the archangel Raphael - possibly, but this may be a later pious adaptation; like that one of the Finno-Ugric name Ta+linna ≡ Danish+town. Both names can be much older, assuming, that after the megalithic conquest the first center developed - not in Fehmarn but - at the coast of Schonen, and that the name Dane comes from d i wan ≡ administrative center - the move westward to Jutland took place only after the emigration of the Jutes to England in the early Middle Age. Schonen does fit in because the original population of the Kökkenmöddinger of the Ertebölle culture as hunters and gatherers were much more valued partners for trading reindeers and animal skins than martial opponents.
Alternatively one can backtrace one or both names to folketymologies of long since existing names. Hence Hill+people [ WBS t-l-l ≡ hi l l ] can describe the overlooking hill, 50 m above the lower city in Tallinn, or alternatively the imperative t-ع-l ≡ come here meaning settlers wanted for this distant colony. For the German name we could take r-ع-l and r-w-ع into account. But these translations of to emigrate are more unlikely. The German name also was used by Estonians and Russians, whereas Danes and Swedes use lindencape, named after the peninsula in front? But this votes against an early naming.
In these etymologies the maritime focus is a recurrent theme. No wonder that the borders of a sailing vessel cannot be explained Indo-European [ KS Bug, Heck, Takel, Kiel ]| |
| | | | | | table seefaring | |
| bug | ⭮ | bukk | ≡ | to squirt (water) | also the peninsula Bug on Rügen? | [ Whr bukk ] |
| Heck( ≡ rear) | ⭮ | ḥuqqa | ≡ | hoard, enclosed | and the many +hagen-places | [ Whr ḥuqqa ] |
| Takel | ⭮ | dakal | ≡ | mast (of a ship) | Takelage[Germ] ≡ rig | [ Whr dakal ] |
| | taqlyl | ≡ | to narrow, to lessen | compare to Anklam above | [ Spi p 95 ] |
| Kiel | ⭮ | q i lāl | ≡ | to lessen (i.e. to narrow) | plus the city of Kiel | [ Whr qi lāl ] |
| Doll (+bord), Dolle | ⭮ | ḑulūˁ | ≡ | sides, splines, staves | compare also Iraqi [ WBS p 280 ] | [Whr p 753] |
| Steven (also IE) | ⭮ | mun(ˁ)taṣ i b | ≡ | (to) erect | root is ṣubāˁ ≡ finger, toe | [Whr p 1278, p 694] |
| Spriet | ⭮ | ṣ i br | ≡ | end, border, rim | in broad field also spread, spur | [Whr p 694] |
| Want( ≡ shroud) | ⭮ | watad | ≡ | to lash, to stiffen | soft d becomes nasal | [R-L p 519] |
| Schot | ⭮ | šattat | ≡ | to break, to disperse | the wind ? | [WBS p 235] |
| b i l ge | ⭮ | b i rka | ≡ | pond | | [S94 p 209 ] |
| swim | ⭮ | sab(a)ḥ | ≡ | swim | the Kluge state unclear | [ R-L p 215 ] |
| |
| but Semit(id)ic - like many place names. In Steven we assume, that the permutation of consonants took plaace with the Indo-Europeanisation in adjustment to the genuinely Indo-European Stab ≡ pole or it is a Semitic-Indo-European isogloss - or even both. In addition we can add |
| Se+gel, sai l | ⭮ | q i lˁ | ≡ | sai l | | [ Whr qi lˁ ] |
| | qalaˁa | ≡ | to hoist the sai ls |
| | q i l l | ≡ | to embark | | [ Whr qalla i ] |
| |
| here, wherein the prefix Se+ is explained from |
| ship | ⭮ | saˁf i:na | ≡ | ship |
| in all Germanic languages. This internettranslation enlightens the development of Semit(id)iic to modern Arabic on the one hand, on the other hand to the Germanic. Even more definite is the direction of a loan - and moreover the use of modern Arabic as a vehicle of etymology - by |
| |
| railing, rail | ⭮ | mu+ryalan | ≡ | fringe, border, apron | | [ Whr rāla i ] |
| | rāla i | ≡ | to slobber, to dribble, to vomit |
| |
| as an example, which totally excludes the other direction of the loan. Likewise |
| |
| reffen | ⭮ | ra(fa)ˁ | ≡ | to hoist the sails | meaning to hoist and to reef | [ Whr raf ˁ ] |
| | rafaˁa | ≡ | to hoist, to reef, to rescue |
| |
| explains another sailing term. This also renders |
| |
| | ra j f | ≡ | to be shattered | is the experience of many wreckages | [ Whr rajf, rafaˁa ] |
| reef | ⭮ | rafaˁa | ≡ | to lift |
| | r i fāf, raf f | ≡ | rocky reef, ledge | | [ Whr raff ] |
| |
| probable. Hence the word reef developed simply from the play with water at a reef. And with |
| reef | ⭮ | r ī f | ≡ | seaside | | [ Whr r ī f ] |
| we understand how Arabic historically formed its words, which is similar to other languages, but there cannot been seen easily. We also assume that |
| Kimme | ⭮ | q i mmu | ≡ | top, rear sight notch | | [ P&W p 88 ], [Spi] |
| penetrated into Celtic, Italic and Germanic from seafarer's slang. However, we think it to be highly unlikely that Celtic leather boats |
| |
| | k i rax | ≡ | to empty | without pumping dry impossible | [ WBS p 401 ] |
| currach | ⭮ | karrâka | ≡ | to dredge | | [ Spi p 98, p 375 ] |
| | xar i g, i nxarag | ≡ | (to) leak | also xarr, xarag | [ R-L p 136, p 139 ] |
| |
| crossed the Atlantic Ocean, because the physical properties of leather would ask for steady pumping out and caulking. The semantic root of this field probably is ( cold ⭮ ) qarr ≡ cold [ Whr p 1011, p 1022 ], supposed to be a Semitic loan also. to caulk ≡ qallafa is an element of this field as well – c.f. its German translation kalfatern. |
These etymologies link the descendance of the Megalithicians from the Levant to Barry Cunliffe's [ Cun p 204, p 253 ] summary of the archeology of early ships and seafaring in the third millennium bChr - which we date back for another 1000 years.
Sill open remains the search for the capital of the nordic Megaliticians around the Baltic. Assuming Nantes in the west of France for their first center in northern Europe, most likely a local center would have been at the western coast of Halland or Schonen, which may have been shifted to the southern coast of the Baltic after the genesis of the Germanics around 700 b Chr.
Chronologically we assume, that the Megalithicians appeared in the Baltic around (4200) bChr, which, however, has to be proved archeologically by findings like those of Seán [ McGrail ]. Early sailing without keel, but with leeboard, across the open sea is proven by Dominique Görlitz convincingly. |
 A system of hillforts
in Southern Scotland
and Northern England
delivers a rush of
morphological
and
semantically bridges
again following
the theory of the
Atlantic Semit(id)ics
of
John Davies
[1621],
Julius Pokorny
and
Theo Vennemann
is archeologically
under researched
there are
suprisingly many
Semit(id)ic etymologies
which follow the
wysiwig principle
military expressions
nicely back our
pre-historical
geo-stragicals |
Bastarnae
and
Skirii | Trying to identify the two fighting peoples of the battle of Conerow is difficult: The Greek historians record the Germanic tribes Bastarnae and Skirii in this area only some 1000 years later. Bridging this huge time span, we identify the Bastarnae [ Sch p 48 ] with the people west of the river Tollense and the attackers from the south-east with the Skirii. Which one represented the people of the face-urn-culture remains open - more likely those in the east?
Both names are the first Germanic people's names reported, especially in the area south of the Baltic Sea. Usually the name of the Bastarnae is understood as the mixed ones and that of the Skirii as the pure ones ( Ptolemy knows a place Skirion [Sch p 51] ). More precisely: After the battle of Conerow the victorious Bastarnae expanded across the river Oder to the east, a mixed tribe out of the Megalithicians, who settled there since millennia, with the invading Indo-Europeans, whereas the loosers, the Skiri i, pure Indo-Europeans of the eastern version of the urnfield-culture, had to recover.
From the language point of view we have the two etymological
| tribe's name | | Arabic (Semitic) | | translation | comment | [ dictionary ] |
| ☟ | | ☟ | | ☟ | ☟ | ☟ |
| Skiri i | ⭮ | šag i r | ≡ | free, unoccupied | see also Frank(s), Franconia | [ WBS p 243 |
| | šagra | ≡ | blond | less likely | p 245] |
| | wherein actually the second alternative would have to be proven by gene technology: Are the Indo-Europeans the blond ones and the
Megalithicians those which a Pictish appearance❓ | [internettranslation] |
alternatives. Which role exactly plays the unconvincingly explained English sheer, German schier, sometimes used to derive this tribe's name ? Concerning the Bastarnae we follow the usual etymologiy from
|
| | bazz+at+'ard | ≡ | to gain victory+plural+earth | like in Melk+art, Nj+örd | [ Whr p 86 ] |
| | bazz+at+'ard | ≡ | to subdue+plural+earth | the ⚔ of Conerow | [WBS p 33 ] |
| bastard(s) | ⭮ | bașș+at+'ard | ≡ | the glamorous+(on) earth | meaning the bright ones | [Whr p 91] |
| | basţ + 'ard | ≡ | to spread+(over the) earth | Levant🛶 Pomerania🪑 | [Whr p 88] |
| |
| Quaden | ⭮ | qudūm | ≡ | newcomers | compare Hamburg's Quidd-
sche below | [WrK p 732] |
However, there is a time gap of (1000) years between the decline of the Megalithicians and the battle of Conerow, in which the old language must still have been understood and the semantic meaning changed to today's mixed people.
This derivation of the name Quaden corresponds to our one of the name Germanic(s), albeit being less aggressive. It leads to the conclusion that this tribe originally was a part of the Bastarnae.
1000 years later both tribes migrated to the south - because of pressure from Scandinavian Germanics - until they met on the Balkans with the expanding Romans. This led to clashes [ Sch chart p 48 ]. Together with the other east-Germanic tribes they terminated the expansion of the Roman empire, like this the Markomanians, Burians, Rugians and Quadians where able to do in Bohemia and Moravia, the Germanic coalition of Arminius in Westphalia and the Batavians at the lower Rhine. But as a consequence both tribes totally vanished from history. | as adversaries
in the battle of
Conerow ? |
| The Celts | The Celtic expansion began only after (800) bChr. It followed closely the traces of the Venetians and Italics [ Wag p 10 ], but from a starting area in western France. As shown above many Celtic tribes ( like those of the Germanics ) got their names from the urnfield-culture.
The Celts had their original centers between the middle of river Loire and Saône ( after Udolph ), Le-Puy-en-Velais being a southern candidate for an early center of power. In the south the border of their territory is the Massif Central, Mende in the center of this border area probably hasn't been included. This border area likely coincides with the still existing border between northern and southern (i.e. occidental) French.
In the valley of river Rhone Rocher des Aures south of Montélimar could have been the most southern point of the Celtic expansion. Exactly there mountain tribes had a double stronghiold around 900 bChr, which controlled the trading route to the Mediterranian [ Smd ].
This southern blockade accelerated the genesis of the Proto-Celts, who finally were able to overpower this blockade to expand into the Italic and Hispanic peninsulas. Since the Celtic languages include considerably less super- and substrat content than the Germanic languages, the Proto-Celts neither must have tolerated substrats nor were subdued by superstrats.
Only in a second step, an early estimate being (800) bChr ( probably even later ), Celts invaded the British Isles, simultanously with invasions of the southern European peninsulas ( only the geese of the capitol saved Rome from being sacked ), South Germany north of a sharp frontier in the middle mountains, and from there across Böhemia (Bojans) and Silesia till Galicia in the east, where they were stopped by the populous Slavs, the Balkans and across the Bosporus into Minor Asia, where they neighbored the Venetians of Paphlagonia in the north and the Phrygians in the west. There are well-known Celtic settlements, Manching and in the west that one of the prince of Hochdorf, both on river Danube, who, however, probably was a Germanic in-law from the north.
Their importance in Britian is considerably downgraded by a genetic study from 2015 [ LW& ]. The non-Indo-European Picts were annihilated in the year 843 and became Celtic. Their southern neighbors, descendants of the central European urnfield-culture probably kept their language and never became Celtic-speaking up to the arrival of the Romans. Some of them may have adopted a thin Celtic upper class which was able to enforce their Celtic language - as later the Normans over an Anglo-Saxon majority.
The Basques possibly were driven out of their homes south of the Massif Central across the Pyrenees into Navarre and beyond by this Celtic expansion only now. Any earlier date is unlikely given that Cesar and Strabon differentiate between Aquitanians and Celts [ Brè p 31 ].
The northern border of Celtic, i.e. the southern border of early, around 100 bChr, Germanic expansion is described for instance in [ Joh p 46 ], the time frame of the upcoming Celtic pressure in Franconia - which let to give up numerous strongly fortified hillforts until the final end of the late urnfild culture and to Celtisation - in [ F&O p 20 ].
The Irish foundation myth also gives some insight into history
| |
| Milesier | ⭮ | ? | ≡ | | are supposed to be Celts | [ Opp p 76 ] |
| ☝ |
| (Tuatha Dé) Danann | ⭮ | (people of) danann | ≡ | (people of) believer(s) | compare to the Danish above | [ Spi p 168 ] |
| ☝ |
F i r+
bolg | ⭮ | farrār +
balaḡ | ≡
≡ | refugee +
(to) arrive | flee ⭮ farrār solves a lot
[Opp p 87 ff ] | [ Whr farrār ]
[ Whr balaḡ ] |
| F i r+ | ⭮ | fara j | ≡ | to escape suffering | | [ Whr fara j ] |
F i r+
bolg | ⭮ | parāḫu +
qarābu | ≡
≡ | refugee +
(to) arrive ⇄ | both already Assyrian, but
morphologically more distant | [ P&W p 80
p 87 ] |
| ☝ |
| fili / filid [plural] | ⭮ | fiˁl / fiˁli+āt [plural] | ≡ | to operate verbally | even the plural fits in
upper class Irish bards | [Whr p 973]
[ KRS p 208 ] |
| ☝ |
| samain | ⭮ | sāmin | ≡ | to adress the
name of (a) godIrish festivity at the
beginning of winter | [Whr p 973]
[KRS p 212] |
| | saum | ≡ | to be hallowed | like Weihnacht ≡ christmas | [ Whr p 617 ] |
| ☝ |
| Muntir Nemed | ⭮ | mu+stanir
nāba+at | ≡
≡ | enlightened
renovator, missionary | meaning at least some-
thing religious | [ Whr mustanir ]
[ Whr nāba ] |
| ☝ |
| |
| Partholon | ⭮ | bēt laḥm | ≡ | (etymology of home?) | baitalaḥm ≡ Bethlehem | [ Whr bāta ] |
| ☝ |
| Cessair | ⭮ | ḵaziya
ḵazara | ≡
≡ | abhorrent
to gaze at supiciously | also wretched substrat
characteristic for aborigines | [ Whr ḵaziya ]
[ Whr ḵazara ] |
| |
by a surprisingly accurate translation of the Firbolgs. We translate the people's name Tuatha by Indo-European all, like in Caledonians, Dacier, Deutsche and Alemanni. The Irish foundation myth tells that the Firbolgs came in long boats (!) from Greece (!) around Spain (!) to Ireland. Since at the time of the first medieval written record of this myth nearly the whole of the eastern Mediterranian was Greek, at least Anatolia and all islands, herein ,Greece' not necessarliy must be identified to nowadays Greece. The starting point even could imply Egypt. We even can conclude from the Irish sagas, that there must have been connections long after to the point of origin. Hence at least the Irish names of Ireland's four provinces − Ulster ☜ Leinster ☞ Munster ☞ Connaught − and its main river − Shannon − also should have Semiti(di)c derivations
| |
| U l a(i)d(h) | ⭮ | l a j aᦱa, i l t i j ā ᦱ
laḥad | ≡
≡ | (to) seek refuge
(to) deviate from | before the sea becomes horrid
when proceeding further to the north | [ WrC p 858,
p 859 ] |
| Lo i ghn | ⭮ | l i ḥag | ≡ | (to) follow, trail, catch up | the Irish Sea being calmer than the Atlantic | [ Qaf p 539 ] |
| Mhu+mha i n | ⭮ | ma+mumṭ i r | ≡ | very + rainy | highest range means rainiest area | [ WrC p 914 ] |
| Connaught | ⭮ | qanāya+a t [plural] | ≡ | runnel, creeks, becks | taking the rivers for fjords | [ WrC p 794 ] |
| |
| | šanû | ≡ | to fluctuate
| Assyrian | [ P&W p 111 ] |
| Shannon | ⭮ | šann+i j a [suff. for place] | ≡ | suffer from convulsions | extreme tide range west of Limerick | [ Qaf p 365 ]
[ WrC p 487 ] |
| Dubl+in | ⭮ | dub l u + i i n | ≡ | foundation trench
+ people at | artificial or natural ? | [ P&W p 125 ]
[ BGP p 408 ] |
| |
do fit from a geographical point of view equally well - given that the early seefarer came from the south - may be even from Cornwall - sailing on to Scotland and further north. In this sense Leinster and Shannon are geographically complementary. Likewise the Dublin-one is contemporary to New Grange and avoids the inconsistencies of the much to late usual Celtic → Viking one. Chronology: First settlers from the Mediterrean around (4200) bChr subdue hunters and gatherers in Ireland, who became an abhorrent substrat. Around (3700) bChr newcomers brought in a new religion, which led to huge stone buildings. Some time after a wave of refugees arrived, perhaps connected to the religious turmoil from the pharao Echnaton in Egypt. But the old religion was reestablished. Only after (800) bChr there were Celts coming from western France. Whether before there has been an invasion by Pre-Celtic Indo-Europeans from England remains open - but likely the Brigants from England and the Venetians from Wales and England also tried to invade Ireland.
| ,Celts' existed not be-
fore the beginning of
the Hallstatt culture
the urnfield-culture
has not been Celtic
northern Franconia,
northern Hesse
and
Thuringia
never have been Celtic
the contrary is
Celtomania |
The
Germanics | Commonly accepted the genesis of the Germanics took place after the invasion of the Indo-Europeans into Central Europe, hence after (2200) bChr. This first Indo-European wandering from the Yamnaja culture of the plains north of the Kaukasus meanwhile is proved archeologically [ Wo i ] and genetically. Presumably there were two waves [Wo i p 326]: Firstly small bands seeped into the fertile plains of Western and Middle Europe, which arrived at the Atlantic in France and perhaps already in England. Possibly even some of the first newcomers were *Vasconized, and the general Indo-Europeanization only took place in a second wave, such as this several thousand years later took place during the German east-colonization in the early Middle Ages. Linguistically it is unlikely that the seeping into of small bands of Indo-Europeans led to new water, place or especially mountain names. Instead the invaders overtook names from the aboriginal *Vasconic people. This second wave then consisted of - focussed in time - a great settling by the corded ware people. The details of what led to the special role of the Germanics among the Indo-Europeans still has to be clarified in the sequel.
At first a sharp border to the megalith-culture came into being, presumably south of, but close to the watershed between Baltic and the North Sea. This culture migrated since (5000) bChr from the Levant by large boats along the coasts via the British Isles into Scandinavia and from there to the southern part of Mecklenburg and the Prignitz.
- This southern border of the megalith-culture, far to the west around Amiens in northern France is impressingly confirmed archeologically with a convincing chronology [ MP& p 82+83 ] since the last half of the fourth millennium bChr, hence since the megalithic epoch till the commencing written records around 400 bChr. There two megalithic burial mounds remained in use over all changes of peoples, hence also during and after the Indo-European invasions around (2000) bChr and the expatriation across the Alps of the western urnfield people ( the Remer ) around (1200) bChr.
- We also insinuate an expansion of the (maritime) megalith-culture along the rivers Rhine, Moselle and even the Suebian Neckar, comparable to the much later raids of the Vikings.
- In the west of Mecklenburg the megalith culture should have reached the river Elbe at Mellen, with the famous big burial mound; and a tongue into the Altmark south of river Elbe. On the hill Höhbeck above the left bank we locate a megalithic sentinel.
Since the urnfield-culture of the Indo-European invaders itself developed to a high standard - sky disk, gold hats and the latest gold troves north of Munic do speak out - it should have come to multiple relations beween both. Inevitably along such a border develops a buffer zone of small, in the beginning barbarian but forceful centers, which here sporadically came under megalithic rule, after earlier - more tolerantly than the southern urnfield-culture - having included a *Vasconic substrat. One can think of a mixed folk under megalithic supremacy.
Did here in a first sweep the first Indo-European newcomers became *Vasconic, to be re-Indo-Europeanized by more and more newcomers, and then in a second sweep to be subdued by megalithic rulers?
Combining archeological record with oral tradition and the theory of the megalithic migration from the Levant - i.e. three of the four components of a Müller-Hirt-diagram - we get that
the prince of Seddin in the Prignitz, king Hinz in oral tradition, because of the incineration of widows undoubtedly Indo-Europen, has been in the second half of the 9. century bChr [ M&H p 55 ] a great prince of this borderland, which was the germ cell of the Germanics, which - like later the Mark Brandenburg nearly at the same place from a west-east-conflict - early developed from a north-south conflict.
This prince should still have been bilingual, speaking the northern dialect of the Indo-European urnfield-culture and the megalithic Semit(id)ic of the regions around the Baltic, i.e. the language of the Scandinavian Bronze Age. How much both already - since the battle of Conerow around 1350 bChr - were integrated into the new Proto-Germanic remains an open question, the first Germanic sound shift - Grimm's law - being the machinery of this mergence.
Hans Wehr allows for several derivations of his name. We do not believe the usual one from Henry lest in turn that one of this name from home, *Vasconic hain ≡ Hain being a more credible origin: Also credible origines are the winner, the usurpator, the rightous or the beautiful one, all of which being plausible because of the richness of his burial, signaling immense power,
| | | | | | table | Hinz und Gans |
| Hinz | ⭮ | ḥusn | ≡ | the Great | ( ḫusn ≡ glamour [ B&H p 206 ] ) | [ WrK ḥusn ] |
| ≀ | | ≀ | | ≀ | ≀ |
| Gans | ⭮ | ġāz i n | ≡ | conquerer | ( al-ġāz i ≡ warlord ) | [Whr p 915] |
| ≀ | | ≀ | | ≀ | ≀ |
| Rur i k | ⭮ | raqrāq | ≡ | splendid | ( the gorgeous, grosny [Rus] ) | [ Whr raqrāq ] |
giving an etymology, which even can be backtracked - morphologically closer - to Assyrian resp. Akkadian
| |
| | | ḫanāšu | ≡ | to subdue | no ⇄ necessary | [ P&W p 34 |
| | ḫabāṣu | ≡ | exuberant, luxuriant, rich | n ← b | p 32 |
| Hinz | ⭮ | ḫ i ṣnu | ≡ | protection, defence | ⇄, Akkadian | p 38 |
| | ḫaṣānu | ≡ | to protect, take care of | | p 36 ] |
| |
- arranged by decreasing probability. Hence this byname is the very converse of Hinz and Kunz. His proper name should have been an Indo-European one. If we had his DNA, a Müller-Hirt-diagram would be complete, the archeological component given by the emerging Jastorf-Wessenstedt-culture, or even Beldorf. In this diagram we added for comparison the etymology of the German house of the Gänse Edle von ... . This means that in both cases German trivial names must be substituted by the exact opposite. In the case of the local houses we get an early analogy to the Almoravids, Almohads und Abbasides of the emerging Islam. No wonder that this house of the Gänse later rejeced any other title - like the Quitzow-robber-knights solely defended ancient, meanwhile forgotten privileges.
The dichotomy super-substrat herein has to be explained: Having seen king Hinz as typical superstrat, Hinz and Kunz have a substrat-aftertaste, which we associate to the *Vasconic population. Basque kuts+a ≡ flaw, soiling explains that, and nasalisation then gives Kunz as a discriminated aboriginal, hence as a giant ≡ Riese. Kunz usually is assumed to be a shortcut of Konrad, which also can be derived from Basque kanpo+tar ≡ stranger, alien, this being the real meaning. It is tempting to take Hinz for *Vasconic: As shortform of Hein+rich ≡ Henry it can be translated from Basque hain ⭮ oihan ≡ grove, bosk, as mentioned above, i.e. as mossback. Thus an unconvincing derivation of Heim [ KS Heinrich ] can be avoided. Hence Hinz and Kunz are mossback and litterbug . Alternatively we may interpet Hinz as Semit(id)ic. Then this depreciating meaning simply would be an enumeration of two minorities, but at a time in which this ancient linguistic background no longer was known. Which we know from the biblical Krethi and Plethi - Cretians and Philistines.
| |
| 💀 | Connected hereto German friend Hein [❓] for the death is ear-catching [ KS Hein ]: | table Tod |
| Her i o | ≡ death ( as a figure ) | plus the suffix +n | [ Lha p 760 ] |
| in Basque - slurring the central r - translates this figure as a death bringing friend. |
⭐This super-substrat dimorphism is secured by the further onefrom Hamburg, using internet translations in the bottom line - the phonetical coincidence being flabbergasting because sound shifts and semantic bridges herein are superfluous. In addition such, shall, should and German solch, sollen even can be traced back to Assyrian [ P&W ].
The megalithic part in this diagram can be further secured by numerous Hamburg slang
| name / notion | | Semitic | | translation | comment | [ dictionary ] |
| ☟ | | ☟ | | ☟ | ☟ | ☟ |
| Quidd+sche | ⭮ | qudd+ām
qād+i m | ≡
≡ | before
arriving person, newcomer | +ām → +i ye
with an | [ Whr qudddām ] |
| Quid+dsche | ⭮ | gad i+i j û | ≡ | including + mine | Assyrian root | [ P&W gad i +i j û ] |
| expressions, which backtracks this etymology into the distant past, compare French Boche; possibly the unexplained English (to) cut can be listed here. Also compare Irish cu l ch i e. |
| sabbel (+n) | ⭮ | sa:mara
sabb
ṣabb | ≡
≡
≡ | to entertain guests
exchange abusive language
(to) pour out, drip | | [ internettranslation]
[ WrC p 392 ]
[ WrC p 499 ] |
| klön (+en) | ⭮ | kal lama | ≡ | to speak | | [ WrK p 805 ] |
| and the Arabic translation of Hamburg's greeting Hummel Hummel - Mors Mors |
| Mors | ⭮ | marzūq
marāš i d | ≡
≡ | God bless you
heil | | [ Whr r i zq ]
[ Whr marāš i d ] |
| Mors | ⭮ | mā + rašā ᦱ u(m) | ≡ | indeed + God protect you | Assyrian root | [ BGP p 187 + p 300 ] |
| plus the etymology of the first part, say at the arrival at a city gate, |
| |
| Hummel | ⭮ | mmmhama l [Coptic]
ˁamī l
ˁam ī l a
hama l a | ≡
≡
≡
≡ | unworthily host
representative
(to) permit, accept
(to) refuse | | [ Whr hama l ]
[ Whr ˁamīl ]
[ Whr ˁam ī la ]
[ Whr hamala ] |
| Hummel | ⭮ | ammāru
maḫ(a)ru | ≡
≡ | appear, become visible
accept, apply (to), welcome | Akkadian root
l ← rAssyrian root, ⇄ | [ BGP p 14 ]
[ P&W p 58 ] |
| |
| plus the typical Hamburg expressions for being heavily drunk and fiddle-faddle |
| duun | ⭮ | duhn
dawan | ≡
≡ | grease
sickness | | [ WrC p 296 ], |
| Ge+dön+s | ⭮ | ʔ a ' dana | ≡ | (to) condemn, convict | even possibly G ⭮ ʔ | [internettranslation] |
| - see also Gulf-Arabic [ Qaf dhn ] - and the only North German expresson for landing places for boats |
| +hude, Hude [❓] | ⭮ | ḥutû
hudū ᦱ | ≡
≡ | platform (?)
hold, staying | can we remove their
Assyrian ? now ❓ | [ P&W p 39 ]
[ WrK p 962 ] |
| with more translations in its semantic field - initial h being suspicious for originating in the Semitic world - plus only Low German |
| | k irš, karšu | ≡ | stomach, paunch, womb | convincing morphology | [ WrC p 820 ], [ P&W p 194 ] |
| krüsch | ⭮ | k irša | ≡ | tripe, intestines | but flawly etymology, |
| | karš | ≡ | pot-belly, heavy eater | but that one of Kluge | [ Qaf p 498 ] |
| | g i raṣ | ≡ | (to) bite, pinch | [KS] even more so ! | [ Qaf p 519 ] |
| krüsch | ⮄ | kuruš+tu, guruššu | ≡ | fodder for fattening | old-Babylonian | [ BGP p 169 ] |
| – in addition outside Hamburg the startling Icelandic / Denish word for amber, compare før ≡ sheep , |
| raf / rav | ⭮ | raf fāf, raf fa
ruwā | ≡
≡ | to glow, to glimmer
beauty, amenity | in nordic languages | [ Whr raffa ] |
| wherein also flammability and a clerical motivation |
| | raqa | ≡ | to burn | ❗ |
| | wara ˁ | ≡ | godliness | | [ Whr wara ˁ ] |
| may have played a role. In addition we have the Jul klapp around Hamburg, the cry |
| igi tt | ⭮ | I c ky ! | ≡ | Fi e !, Fough ! | | [ Qaf p 498 ] |
| in Gulf Arabic - which also can be heard everywhere in Northern Germany - and the |
| (geschichts) klittern | ⭮ | za l l at (l i san)
za l l a | ≡
≡ | gaffe
to make a mistake | k ↔ z | [ Whr zalla ] . |
The typical greeting Hummel Hummel with answer Mors Mors is a playing with idioms: German gestatten, my name is ..., which doesn't seem to have an English counterpart, translates into the same Semitic world field as the name Ham burg (above). Conversely English take care has no German counterpart except Mors Mors in Hamburg. This bodes well for the fact that this greeting is used only in Hamburg and not in neighboring areas.
| |
| 🏹 | Given this, the language of the local winners of the battle at Conerow 1350 bChr must still have been relatively pure Semiti(di)c, hence not yet Germanic, although on both sides there already must have fought Indo-Europeans of the urnfield-culture: On the eastern bank of river Tollense attacking Venetians, on the western bank the victorious locals with likely mercenaries from the emerging borderlands between megalith - and northern urnfield-culture. |
⭐The above title H i nz resembles the Semit(id)ic, still in use Scottish men's name |
| pean | ⭮ | bain(a), abyan | ≡ | from your midth, also | visible to everybody | [ Whr abyan, |
| + fahel | ⭮ | faḥ l, fuḥū l | ≡ | d i l l y, strongman | | faḥl ] |
impressingly. Usually it is translated Celtic as end of wall . However, this immediately leads to linguistic difficulties, which have to be rationalized cumbrously [ Opp p 72 ]. If instead we backtrace this name into the megalithic era and take it for a title, we delete the necessity to locate a spot at the Antonian Wall, given that this has been built much later during the time of the Roman emperor Antonius Pius. In addition this translation does not fit well as a men's name.
This name sounds Celtic, whence has been Celticised. In contrast the names Suddard and Gabbard, still in use basically in southern England, sound Germanic - typical for names of megalithic origin. Because of |
| sudd+ard | ⭮ | saj j i dmmnnmm | ≡ | lord | Arabic | |
| gabb+ard | ⭮ | gapru+er ṣ╱etu | ≡ | superior+of the earth | Babylonianneo-Babylonian | [ BGP p 79 ] [ BGP p 90 ], [ P&W p 30 ] |
they fall into the class of ... of the earth -names ( which both even may be backdated to Sumerian sa.du.du ≡ striker, hitter [ Par 2069.] and ga.ab.bar ≡ helper, assistent [ Par 1296.] )
🗺 { ... , Bast+ard , Melk+art , N j+örd , Rich+ard , Sig+urd , Sudd+ard , Gabb+ard, ... } .
The Frisian name Sjoerd obviously is an abbreviation thereof, which corresponds to the Frisian abbreviation Büll of Lowgerman Büttel.
🙆 These translations are continued by one of the obscene female figurines Sheela na gig |
| shee l a + | ⭮ | ša l l a ح | ≡ | to flash the genitals | | [ WBS p 247 ], [ B&H p 476 ] |
| | ša l aḥa, ša l a ح, ša l i ḥ | ≡ | to undress, naked | | [Whr p 672], [ R-L p 256 ], [ Spi p 235 ] |
in stone carvings of churches everywhere in the megalithic areas - it remains to show, that the obscene engravings of the cloister at Corvey are of this origin also. More general the much later obscene female carvings above capitals in churchwalls are recalls of cults, surviving all invasions of peoples and their cults, smuggled into churchwalls ! At least once the carving of which has found acceptance into the wall of a christian church: In a stone capital on the church of Stavanger.
Remarkably the name Sheela can be backtracked to Old-Assyrian and Old-Babylonian |
| |
šā ᦱ i l u |
≡ |
female deviner, augur | |
[ BGP p 348 |
| composed like |
| | š ī + l ī / l a | ≡ | she + for me | | p 569 ] + [ Aar p 216 ] |
| − expressing the role of holy women and more generally of any woman. Only later when a Beduinic religion like that ones of the bible took over, converse etymologies came into being |
| | š i l l atu
šalû
šelû
l ā s ī | ≡
≡
≡
≡ | shameliness
fling
sin
unseemly | | [ BGP p 372
p 352
p 366
p 369 ] |
The second na gig-part of this name already has been seen in literature to be of as Mesopotamia with the Akkadian, perhaps even Sumerian meaning priestess of Inanna - striking a translation.
More general the hebrew-christian-moslem prudery can be a bedouin embossed antithesis to a typical urban religion - compare as well one possible etymology of the female name Kriemhild. Vennemann [ V&N ] describes its later traces in the Germanic mythology.
This perception of the Sheelas corresponds to that one of the last fight Ragnarök between the Vanir of the north and the Asir of the south.
🙌 Once more the sexual connotation becomes clear from the so far unexplained name of |
| Weleda | ⭮ | wal ī da | ≡ | fertile, mother of many children | | [ WrC p 1097 ] |
| | w i l ed | ≡ | to beget | | [ AqM w i l ed ] | , |
wherein, however, the saint also is in the semantic field. Hence this are titles rather than names - for the Elbe-Germanic female seer, who confronted Drusus 9 bChr at river Elbe with his soon death, and the Rhine-Germanic seer, who 86 years later negotiated peace between the Roman legions and the rebellious Batavians of Civilis.
Vennemann describes the pharaonic-like incest behaviour of the Vanir gods, which meanwhile is confirmed by DNA-analysis from the huge megalithic tomb New Grange in Ireland.
The translation qa l b ≡ perversion [ WrC p 784 ] is a further hint for the sexual antithesis of the religion of the ancient cities and Mosis' beduinic one with |
| calf | ⭮╱ | qal + b
↑
qallû + bâ ᦱu | ≡
≡ | perversion
↑
genitals + (to) inundate | Arabic
standard Akkadian | [ WrC p 760 ]
[ PW𐏉 p 234 + p 161 ] |
Whence a prude Jewish-Christian translator shied away from the religious ceremony - no orgiastic dance around a golden calf, which he took for being perverse.
🪤 K. Aartun's hieroglyphic Semitic - even romantic-poetic - translations of the disks of
Phaistos [ Aar p 195 ff ] and Tarragona [ p 300 ] vote for a religious-sexual conduct too.
👪 Without religious connotation but a broad semantic field in Arabic we have the name |
| Karin / Karina | ⭮ | qar ī na | ≡ | wife, spouse, a wo-
man connecting people |
or society | [ WrC p 760 ] |
| with a characteristic Semitic morphology. It is taken for typical Scandinavian, but in Brittany also as native. To Italy and even Japan it must have been carried over. Sometime after these migrations it got - perhaps because of a sad incident - the meaning of a ghost of childbed and therefore didn't survive as a women's name in the Semitic world. |
This also is confirmed by the troves excavated at mount Teufelsberg, a dune somewhat southeastern of the stream mouth of river Dömnitz into river Stepenitz [ Tf l ]: There several contemporary burial customs indicate a mixed population. The simplest graves, only marked by rings of stones, should have been associated with the aboriginal *Vasconic farmers, the megalithic tombs being associated with the superstrat megalith-culture people from the north. In between are the urnfield tombs of cremations, the Indo-European people of which eventually rose to the Teutonic top. Perhaps at this late time there even have been ancient Bell Beaker people, accounting for a fourth burial custom marked by typical grave goods.
Along the whole waterway from the Baltic to the Erzgebirge - especially the middle part from lake Malchin to river Stepenitz, whence at Seddin and down to river Elbe - we can give place names a Semitic translation.
It is difficult to decide when the Germanic expansion started - in no case before (1200) bChr but considerably later, when after (800) bChr the Germanic language came into being - and presumably after the megalith culture in Scandinavia stealthily was undercut. The outcome of the battle of Conerow (below) should have been decisive for the fall of the urnfield-culture, at least of its eastern branch, the Lausitz culture, and the following emigration of its people mainly to the south. May be that a climate worsening contributed or even triggered these developments.
Only with the overtaking of the depopulated areas around the Harz mountains up the Erzgebirge range we can speak of Germanics, with an uniform language consisting of Indo-European with large contributions of the megalithic language and *Vasconic. The latter one (much?) later was increased by the permanent inclusion of *Vasconic people from the middle mountains of Germany. This model explains the trichotomy of the Germanic gods, the two sound shifts of High German and Udolph's localisation of Ur-Germanic from river names around the Harz mountains.
Whence the Proto-Germanics as a nation with Proto-Germanic as their language is to be dated considerably after (1000) bChr, long before the *Vasconics ultimately gave up their original language, but only after the urnfield-culture ceased to exist. The difference of the expressions for Gold in Germanic and today's Basque is decisive for this dating: Because Basque urre is a loan from Latin, but in Germanic derives from *Vasconicand the four gold hats are dated to (1500) bChr, the integration of the *Vasconic substrat must have taken place before. hence (immediately?) after the Indo-European arrival -
long before the final formation of Germanic under a megalithic superstrat and before the broader use of gold.
Only after large parts of the western urnfield-culture tribes crossed the Alps, another wave Germanised the depopulated areas between rivers Elbe and Rhine - Ernst Schwarz [ Sch p 36 ] has a map. Hence this area has not been originally Proto-Germanic - those were the people between Germanics and Celts. In this process many tribe names were passed down, perhaps even west of river Rhine. Cesar denoted these areas as Germania, with a streak along river Mosel remaining a wedge between Germania Inferior and Superior. He denoted the Treverians in this streak as Belgians although they themselves wanted to be looked at as Germanics. Since their name is *Vasconic we suppose them to be surviving *Vasconics, perhaps with adstrats of the Northwestblock and Celts, these being the major component in South Germany and Lorraine. Cesar terminated their Germanisation with his victory over the Swebian Ariovist on the left bank of river Rhine. When Drusus erected the Limes and all territories west of the Rhine became secure Roman empire the Germanisation was interrupted for 400 years. This secondary Germanic wave was contemporary with the Celtic expansion from the middle of France. This exclusively follows from the fact, that otherwise the Germany up to the Harz mountains would have become Celtic, nice map in [ Hut p 45 ]. Interesting on the map of Ernst Schwarz: The bulge of the Proto-Germanic area from river Elbe to the south till the area northwest of the Harz mountains, which roughly covers Udolph's localisation of Proto-Germanic.
The next wave was the East Germanic wave of the Gothic peoples across the Baltic, which in the 2nd century bChr hit the Crimea. However, the first Germanics in southern Russia should have been the Bastarnae. There the Greek historians took notice of these new arrivals.
Whether this model for the genesis of the Germanics solves the problem of the classification of their languages [ Scu ] remains to prove in detail, say by analysing the emigrations and migrations back home since 1500 bChr till the historic recorded migration of the Herulians back to Sweden [Scu p 540]. Hopefully genetics in near future will reveal such small migrations as well.
On the way to the Black Sea the Eastgerman culture bullet [ Mai ] cut through the western Balts, expanding from the east along the Baltic Sea ( till central Brandenburg? this would be the only known Baltic expansion !). For this encounter there is an indication: The Ostrogoths had two dynasties of kings. After the death of the Amaler Totila the Balt Teja became king shortly before the defeat in the battle at the Vesuv. Teja was described as stout with black hair, i.e. non-Germanic. So the Goths took Baltic people to their long migrations through Southern Europe - so many that those even rose to nobility ? Naturally this name Balt also can mean bold ≡ kühn in Germanic - one does not exclude the other. But is it possible to understand this name from the Baltic languages?
For their neighborhood with the Baltic peoples, or even settling among them, testify the place names Gdansk, Gdingen, Graudenz ( this from Greutungen ?) and Bydgoscz ≡ Bromberg ( guard of the Gothics ). This was put into question but since there are no other convincing derivations, these remain the most plausible ones. In addition one can exclude that Graudenz and Bromberg were not settled by the Gothics - especially Graudenz is too much alike mount Zobten / Siling in Silesia, which for centuries was center of Vandalic settling.
Understanding the genesis of the Germanics that way there is a challenge: For place -, water - and mountain names ( such rarely exist, i.e. Germanic mountain names are an antagonism ), one has to come back for the more than 80 pre-Slavic [ D&F p 23 ] toponyms to the three unrelated languages
- *Vasconic — our examples are Elbe, Ücker, Neiße, Nietze, Parthe, Pastr+itz and the Schloitz+bach,
- megalithic = Atlantic = Semit(id)ic — our examples are Havel, Karthane, Ceder+bach und Garte, this being a tributary of river Neckar
in Southwest Germany ( the megalithic people expanded along the rivers as far as later the Vikings, which we also assume for Koblenz ),
- Indo-European of the urnfield-culture, this being a very early Italic — examples are Oder und Dumme,
But there remain the Pre-Slavic river names: Tollense, Spree, Dahme, Pleiße, Emster, Elster, Stollense, Dosse, Schremme, Elde, Ehle, Ihle, Flöhe, Luppe, Queis, Meisa, Reimer, Strodehne? The two Pre-Slavic city names Ortrand and Tharandt, which sound *Vasconic and can be translated ( compare Trar+bach on river Mosel ), were transplanted together with Tollense and Adria to the south during the Venetic migrations !
Altogether there is the space-time diagram of the genesis of the two Indo-European langusges in the center of Europe, peripheral Celtic, Baltic and Slavic tribes excluded,
with the main routes of expansion. The asloped arrow denotes the sea people raids across the Balkans and Italy into the eastern Mediterranian. However the Germanic expansion took place (500) yers later, (100) years after the prince of Seddin. There are some historical parallels to the expansion of the urnfield-culture to the north and the genesis of the Germanics - especially the Slavonzation of the Ruriks (Nestor chronicle) and the Norman conquest of England after the battle of Hastings 1066. Then the Proto-Germanics of Seddin transported the new language into Scandinavia and the lowlands around the Harz mountains, where they originally came from.
It remains to clarify why the Germanics integrated such a large *Vasconic component, peaefully or by force, hence why the Germanic / German word pool contains so many *Vasconic words, but that one of the southern urnfield people does not - especially why the Germanics do not celebrate Fasnacht. One reason may have been a purely geographical one: In the fertile lowlands around the Harz mountains, the Börden, there are no hiding places, i.e. in the northern German lowlands the *Vasconic people were subdued immediately. In the low mountain ranges they were able to entrench themselves to deliver cruel battles to the Indo-Europeans, before after all being Indo-Europeanized later.
As a Müller-Hirt-diagram for the development of (the) Germanic(s) we get
| | | | | | | Müller-Hirt-diagram
Germanics |
| | | Jastorf culture | |
|
| DNA-analysis | | Ger+man+ics
≡
those, who
invade, stay
and
defend themselves | | ![]() Vanir![]()
+
Asir
+
Giants |
|
| | | *Semitic
+ Indo-European
+ *Vasconic | | | . |
Sebastian Brather [ Brt p 23 ] gives a striking space-time diagram of peoples and cultures for the development out of the urnfield culture.
A striking map of the Jastorf culture is shown on the book wrap of [ B&R ] - even more precisely Brandt's map on p 51. It maps the geographical point of gravity around Seddin. Above we made clear that the area between Pritzwalk and Seddin also was the historical center of the Jastorf culture, at least till the first wave of emigration resp. colonisation towards the south into the Börden around the Harz mountains, probably because of the loss of power and impoverishment due to the transition from bronze to iron. The 130 years gap from Hinz, the prince of Seddin, to the height of the Jastorf culture probably was that phase in which the language of the northern urnfield-culture joined with the language of the northern megalith-culture to become the new Germanic language. Sonja Schäfer mentions, that this epoc was named by Gustav Schwantes already in 1909 as Wessenstedt [B&R p 11].
Udolph's localisation of the Proto-Germanics in the lowlands around the Harz mountains, the Börden, has been opposed in Scandinavia with the argument, Scandinavian island names were Proto-Germanic and hence the Proto-Germanics came into being there. From a purely linguistic point of view this argument and Udolph's share equal weight. However, since above we were able to derive many of those island and else names Semiti(di)cically, entirely following Vennemann, Udolphs derivation is more likely - and also because the flatlands around the Harz mountains are easier to arrive at from Seddin than the south of Scandinavia. This carries over to the language. This assumption is suggested by the role of the north - especially the islands of the Baltic - as a powerhouse of the superstrat megalith-culture in the early days.
The numerous prehistoric massacres demonstrate that assaults are a more basic experience than duels on a staked place, even more so in mountainous areas. Hence a derivation of German Kampf ≡ fight from Latin campus does not convince. The Semiti(di)c alternative
| Kampf | ⭮ | k i+fāh | ≡ | fight | [ KS Kampf, Ruhe ] |
| Ruhe | ⭮ | rāha | ≡ | rest, calm | [ Whr p 507 ] |
makes Kampf a typical superstrat word, which via the megalith-culture penetrated the language of the urnfield culture, and got into Latin only lately. Thus also the (internet) translations
| harde / hæraþ i [Scand] | ⭮ | a+r+ād i | ≡ | area, district | e.g. Hard+syssel in Jutland |
| Gau | ⭮ | ډ i ha / ډ uz | ≡ | region, part |
| Lab | ⭮ | laban | ≡ | cow's milk | [Whr p 287] |
| Rune | ⭮ | rawa | ≡ | to tel l | , |
may have travelled this way. Herein Arabic ډ is in Egypt g, in Syria dj and in the highland of Asir at the border to Yemen exactly in between, together with a breathed upon h in front. The word rune may be onomatopoetic from German raunen which is a romantic word for to whisper, this being its usual derivation. Nonetheless this word likely has found its way into the Germanic languages via the megalith-culture from Proto-Semitic. In this case only their use in writing may have travelled much later across the Alps. However, T. Vennemann assumes - more directly - the word and its use as having arrived with the megalith-culture, for which this etymology is another striking indication !
The Harudes, the Roman historians are writing on, have been the inhabitants of a harde - a simple kind of misunderstanding.
However, since most of these notions have an excellent Indo-European etymology as well they may be common words of the time before the split of Proto-Indo-Europeans and Proto-Semitics . | can
the special role
of the Germanics
among the Indo-Europeans
be explained
geographically
?
the genesis of
the Germanics
was
considerably more complicated
than those of the
Celts, Italics,
Baltics and Slavics
Vennemann's theory
also explains
the history
of the
Semit(id)ic- megalithic
culture |
The
Baltic Peoples |
The date when the Baltic peoples tribes arrived in their current locations remains open. Without any sources assuming this at the end of the first Indo-European wandering (2000) bChr is as likely as any date after up to the Roman epoch.
Where is easier to determine. Analysing river names Mariya Gimbutas located this in the south up to Kiev and in the east beyond Moscow. In the west the Persante in Hinterpomania is likely a border, in the north Estonia and a strip around the bay of Riga remained untouched. A theory that Baltic tribes even settled up to lake Müritz still has to be verified.
The Baltic languages are assumed to be closest to the Proto-Indo-European language. One ansatz groups them together with the Slavic languages in one subgroup, an alternative one looks at them as a Kentum language made to look like a Satem language, with the Germanic languages as the closest relatives.
Looking for this name we encounter the handicap, that the root Balt virtually is encountered in many languages and in some even is considered as typical for those. Whether indigenious or loan thus remains open - every plausible derivation then can be believed in or replaced by another plausible one. Steingass' Arabic dictionary [ Stg ] gives
| | | | | | Tabelle Balten |
| | balat | ≡ | split off, separated frommmm | a colony far east | [p 139] |
| | bal î d | ≡ | hamlet | starting small | [p 143] |
| Baltics | ⭮ | belad | ≡ | settle and defend | even forcibly | [p 139] |
| | bulu ḷ | ≡ | escapees | from the megalithic ideology | [p 140] |
| | belad i yy | ≡ | culchies | develop special ✱-features | [p 140] |
| |
as possible etymologies. Taken together they give an idea what history happened in (2000) years of megalithic blossoming. The last row illuminates the German-Baltic intelectuality, which for instance Thomas Mann describes in his Buddenbrooks. And - as mentioned above in Sylt and Falster - gives rise to poetics and wordplays, making for instance Arabic to an inexhaustible language. | unforgettable
Hans Lothar
in his part
as Baltic Priest
in Thomas Mann's
film version
! |
The Role of
the
Metals | We do not believe that the Celts played a decisive role in metal processing before their great eastward expansion to central Europe. Their later skills should have been overtaken from the different urnield culture and from the Mediterranian - hence only after (800) bChr. Having arrived in the center of Europe, they finally should have further developed *Vasconic mining skills.
Contrary to this, metal - especially tin - has played a decisive role in the formation of the Germanics, albeit in the beginning only concerning transport from the Erzgebirge and trade to the centers of the megalith-culture around the Baltic. Decisively more than the Celts the Germanics have overtaken *Vasconic mining techniques during their expansion to the south and the longlasting integration of the *Vasconic aboriginal population of the ( in the end only ) mountainous regions, together with the overtaking of a part of the language. This conclusion is based on the Basque-German mining dictionary - surprisingly detailed. Herein the closeness beween German and Basque is inherent, which does not hold for the Romance languages to such an extend. Seiffen arise with the smelting of metals. Black tin beads of tinstone are found in sandy streams, flushed out of crevasses of mountains. gar ≡ flame alludes to the glowing of the tin beads, after melting when burned. Actually fire plays a decisive role in the smelting of metals. We do not understand zauen directly, however, get convinced because zahar and berri ≡ new are typical Basque words, which combine to zahar + berri+tu ≡ old + new + making - in modern Basque meaning to redo. Since copper hasn't been the first metal to be known, we prefer this derivation to a Sumerian [ KS Erz ] one. Also Basque brontze, which obviously is an abbreviation, can be understood via intermediate steps: urdin ≡ grey gives, with an ubiquitous Basque initial b+, b+urdin ≡ iron as the grey(ish) one. There is the suffix +zi ≡ +similar to annexed. Assuming +or i+ to be a hartz-word, bronze gets the meaning the lookalike to the grey one (iron) from the mountains. This explains that Simo Parpola [ Pp l ] has no Sumerian word for bronze, but an Assyrian [ P&N ] one:
Has bronze first been smelted south of the Caukasus by *Vasconian people and got to the Assyrians by trade ?
However, this runs into a chronological problem: When bronze came into use, iron already must have been known! Only not its smelting, which then must have been developed much later? The German words Flöz and Gezeh may also have an explanation via Proto-Indo-European before its split into various languages, and from there as loans into Basque.
The Kät in Annaberg first of all has nothing to do with mining. But the ongoing of such a folk festival is a strong indication for the *Vasconic mining industry and the *Vasconic population in the mountainous regions - and hence the knowledge of the find spots together with some techniques.
Corresponding *Vasconic-Celtic and *Vasconic-Roman dictionaries should not exist, since the peoples of which did not depend on *Vasconic mining, but could overtake Mediterrnian mining skills. If such dictioaries do exist they have to be dated into the Middle Age - much later.
Tin is found north of Portugal only in Brittany, Cornwall and the German Erzgebirge, [Kuc]kenberg in map 54. He also describes tin trade in the Bronze Age [p 127]. The people of the megalith-culture south of the Baltic were able to get tin at reasonable costs only from these three locations, where the route along river Elbe to the south was available nearly the whole year, contrary to that one across the North Sea - hence being the most economically to use one.
Eventually this trade enriched the centers of the megalith-culture, which stowed away their amassed riches in that big site at Klocksin, described here. This in turn led the invading Indo-Europeans to attack in Ragnarök - which failed, but led finally to combining three different populations to form tte Germanics.
This prehistoric tin mining, however, has still to be proved archeologically, at least that one in the Erzgebirge. This meets the difficulty, that it should have taken place at the most promising - i.e. rich and easy to access - places: Exactly those are destroyed by later use. In the Erzgebirge the most likely places are Ehren friedersdorf and Geyer and perhaps even Gey+er+s+dorf in the east.
In history the transition from bronze to iron ruined the first Germanic power center at Seddin in the Prignitz. But the main reason for the rise of the Germanics to worldwide supremacy should have been the integration of three, very different cultures and peoples, hence skills.
Mining came into being from the search for flint and salt. Gold, in the form of nuggets in creeks, became the first metal, which led to the above derivation of metal from its durability - say used as adornment. The chronological order of the use of silver, copper, tin and lead, remains open - copper and tin most important in the Bronze Age. Before this there must have been a Copper Age - the ice man from the Similaun owned a copper and not at bronze axe! | for sure
has been
described
often |
| Slavs and Antii | The expansion of the Slavs is the most difficult one to date. To assume the start of this expansion before the 2nd Indo-European wandering, hence before (1200) bChr, is extremely unlikely. After this milestone date every timely ansatz meets unsolvable difficulties. Since there are no Slavic traces in Gothic, which is well-known by Ulfilas' translation of the bible, and since all Germanic traces in the Slavic languages have a Viking explanation, and on the other hand since the Slavs were recorded by Greek writers before Christ ( Slavs and Antii, as the Greeks call them, who afterwards disappear from history [Str] ), there only a relatively narrow remains open. Promptly after the Gothic culture bullet, which has no Slavic head? This also is relatively unlikely.
The Ant i i ( Gorals, Szekler, Hyperboraeans ? ) have a name which can be understood from Basque ana i d i ≡ brotherhood, and this is supported by the name of their leader Boz, the first boss in history. Since according to other sources they had no kings, i.e. a certain kind of tribe's democracy, this also may have been a title only. It sounds like Vosegus ( but 2500 years earlier ) and also like the god Boreas ( this one some 700 years earlier ) - hence Basque. Since the names of his lieutenants [ Srm p 181 ] have no *Vasconic interpretation, the Antii must have been in this late era already been Slavonised - according to the Greek sources Slavs and Antii spoke the same language.
Hence boja ≡ god to be Slavic must be rejected, which is contained in the German place names Bosau on lake Plön and Jüterbog - usually being taken for Persian a loan. Even in Sanskrit it has the meaning service. Alternatively - did the Indo-Iranian tribes pick it up here ?
Slavs and Antii often were at war with each other [ Cur p 119 ]. Among the passed down tribes' names Sagudates ⭯ Szekler, Belegezites [Cur p 118] and Berzites may have been *Vasconic, either directly from Basque or from beltz ≡ black, but first of all the Bai+un+etes ≡ the beauties from the river side, compare the derivation of the city name Bayonne [ Orp p 25 ].
For the genesis of the Ant i i we thus have two possibilities: They may have been the *Vasconic aboriginies of the Carpathian arc, who at some date emigrated into the forest steppes between Dnjepr and Don, to fell victim to more forceful peoples - those who stayed behind became the Szekler and Gorals.
Our Basque etymology of Old-Church-Slavic [ rabota ≡ slavery / keep in thrall ] - see [ KS Arbeit ] - suggests that they totally fell victim to the Slavs and therefore disappeared from history.
Where these *Vascons dared to leave the forests for more fertile open lands they soon fell victim to history. For instance when the Antii invaded the forest steppes between Dnjepr and Don they were defeated by the Goths and their leader Boz together with his lieutenants was hanged. Only in mountainous regions they became Gorals resp. Szekler, slowly changing their language but preserving their traditioal cultural background, like in other *Vasconic regions - in eastern Hesse, the Black Forest, northern Switzerland and Luxemburg for example.
*Vasconic words thus entered the Slavic languages, gora ≡ mountain, +itz ≡ +water, creek, river, tschepel+osz ⭮ txapel + ka ≡ beret+on and trip, foray ≡ txango ⭯ cango, which is Hungarian for a kind of offspring of the Szekler in the Carpathian arc and Wallachia. Hungarian cango has the same meaning as that kind of foray, recorded for the Cangos. Likewise Beskide+n ⭮ Besk+kide ≡ Basque+, +kide being a Basque suffix for a group of people, hence for Basques.
To demonstrate the relevance of such similar words in different languages, in order to make discussions with naysayers and believers in coincidence to collapse, the sheer number of examples fulfills three striking conditions: (i) The distance between the two languages to compare is more than 1 000 km, (ii) the number of sounds resp. silbles coincide, namely at least 6 resp. 2 ( not to be trivial ), and (iii) the meaning in both languages is similar in the sense that it can be continuously deformed into each other, like scythe and saw. Foray, migration ≡ cango has in Basque and in Hungarian five sounds and two silbles. Hence we have a lottery problem, 6 out of 30 ( letters for instance ) with a simple alternative as super number, the additional number skipped. Instead of calculating we upwards rate the probability to be one third of 6 hits with super number. Instead of 1:159 millions this reduces to 1:50 millions inside the interval [0,1] to 0,00000002 ≈ 0. And even if we skip in the denominator a factor 1000 or 10 000 - the probability remains close to zero.
| Txangos | ≡ emigrants, |
| Bozgor | ≡ Basques | (damned), |
| Beskids | ≡ Basque, |
| Carpathians | ≡ caves+many, |
| Bessarabia (Basque) | ≡ end of woods | corresponding to |
| Transsylvania (Latin) | ≡ across the woods | (opposite the Carpathians), |
| Harghita ← harkaitz+a | ≡ rocks+the |
are strong arguments, to look at the Szekler as Madjarised *Vascons. Up to now Szek+ is understood as Hungarian stool, +lari is in Basque ( like +ler in German / English ) an acting person. But it can be a Spanish loan suffix as well, since it also can be found in other Indo-European language groups. Because this suffix denotes persons rather than things, zhe stools or chairs should be derived from persons rather than the converse - whence the Szekler have been here before the Hungarians. However, it is similar to the Swabian Säckl ≡ silly person , and this dialect expressian can have immigrated with the Swabians into the Banat. But the middle age is much to late for the naming of a tribe. In this throng of peoples the first were the *Vasconic Antii, then the arriving Indo-Europeans, here the later Slavs, then their relatives, the Dacians and the Thracians, then various Germanic tribes, Bastarnae, Skirii, Burians, Quadians and Gothic tribes, thereafter Madjars and finally Germans in the Middle Ages. A second, also possible *Vasconic etymology is [ Orp p 70 ]since the Harghita massif lies in the angle between eastern Carpathians and the Transsylvanian Alps and, surrounded by mountain ranges, is a classical security retreat. No wonder that the range in the south also has the name Alps. The Swabian Säckl in contrast would be in Germany a *Vasconic someone in the angle - the hinterste Winkel is a German idiom. The name of the town Säckingen on the upper river Rhine can be understood in the same way, instead of being Celtic. I.e. this Roman settlement is much older, rather than being named after an inevitable Celtic spring goddess Sequana. Säckingen is located in an angle between a sinuosity of river Rhine and the Hotzenwald massif ( with harts-names like Hartpoldingen, Schupf+art ⭮ scupfa+hart around ). Exactly this also holds for Sigl+ingen near Züttlingen on river Jagst ( see below ). The geography of the river Seck+ach in the north is somewhat different - it comes out of the remotest angle. The hamlet Etzean, mentioned above, is situated in such an angle of the Odenwald massif. The village Seck in the Westerwald also lies between mountains.
Given two equally fitting etymologies, it is conveniant to look for similar tribe's names elsewhere. Consider Cesar's Gallic Sequanians, settling between the western hills of Lorraine ( the watershed between Seine and Saône ) and the Jura in the south, where we already have described some *Vasconic sounding names. They lived with the neighboring, also Gallic Haeduans in traditional enmity, which made them vulnerable against invasions of Ariovist's Svabians and Romans. However, which etymology is the better one, low lander or people in the angle, remains open. At any rate there is the diagram of peoplesand perhaps further such pairs on the British Isles, on the Iberian peninsula or elsewhere.
We have got to assume that the Slavs were those Indo-Europeans surviving any invasion as Forest-Scythians in the deep forests south of the Bukovina. North of that there even must have been a close neighborhood of Baltic and Iranian tribes, meaning without any Slavic arbitration [ ScB ]. Which matches with the most western Scythian Kurgan, dating between 700 and 600 bChr, to be excavated in Lower Silesia. This in turn accounts for a Scythian western expansion, which didn't succeed. However, this is a pure conclusion backwards in time, since the Slavic survival corresponds to the Iwan Grosny strategy against the powerful Tatarians of Kasan, to whom the Moskovitian Russians were a long-time tributary. In a phase of Tatarian weakness he attacked surprisingly and destroyed their empire at river Wolga for all times. Afterwards Russias rise to a Great Power became unstoppable.
We don't know any study to relate early Slavs and the Scythians, and also no study to relate them with the Dacians of the Carpathian arc - see, however, A. Erhart. His time table assumes Proto-Slavic [ Erh p 304-305 ] till around the year (300). Presumely the pressure of the expanding Slavs has driven their southern neighbors - the Dacians - into the Albanian mountains, where they were able to defend language and culture against the superiority of the Romans, whereas in their original dwellings they were totally Romanized. This model leaves the Illyrians totally unaccounted for, who vanished from history - at least they weren't the ancestors of latter-day Albanians. | it ts clear
wherefrom,
but
when ? |
The Rise of
the
Periphery | These three surviving Indo-European tribes share one feature: Before the 2nd Indo-European migration around (1200) bChr they were unimportant groups at Europe's periphery. This also holds for their contribution to Europe's place names. Toponyms, if Indo-European, more likely originate from the language of the urnfield-culture, than being new developments of these three language groups. An example: Precisely on the Northwestblock area we find numerous water names, consisting of a name plus the syllable apa. Since this syllable can be explained Indo-European it is more likely that Italic aqua adapted to Celtic or even early Germanic apa than being a proprietary Germanic evolution directly from Proto-Indo-European. Clearly the apa ↔ aqua shift can also have occurred during the urnfield-culture era, which then contributed to the differentiation of the Italics from the eastern urnfield-culture.
Not till the decline of the urnfield-culture and the drift of the Italics across the Alps all three language groups succeeded with a kind of Ivan-Grosny strategy: First the Celts, following the traces of the Venetians, overran Europe till Minor Asia, afterwards the Germanics, who in the beginning slowly, then ( in the great Barbarian migrations around 400 ) explosively conquered large parts of Europe till North Africa, and then the Slavs, later but lastingly populated the whole of Eastern Europe.
Hans Kuhn originated the theory of a Northwestblock between Celts and Germanics with numerous arguments [ HKK p 112 ]: Drawing a line from the Basques to the mouth of river Rhine, Cäsar describes the peoples of his era along this line: In the south Aquintanians ( clearly Basques ), then Galli ( clearly Celts ) and at the helm Belger, three peoples differing from each other in language and culture. Strabo refines this classification, who shortly after Cesar calls the difference in language between Aquintanians and Celts big, that one between Celts and Belger small. East of the Belger both know Germanics, which are different from all these [HKK p 113]; And, neighboring the Celts but being Belger, the Remer around today's Reims in the Champagne. These descriptions are clear-cut, even if Cesar later takes the Belger as Celts. Taken literally - Cesar and Strabo made up the Northwestblock theory. Presumably R. Much from Vienna [ Muc ] was the first one to identify the Italics with the Northwestblock people between Celts and Germanics - this being further developed by Ernst Schwarz [ Sch ] and Hans Kuhn [HKK].
There is a further indication for this Italic migration across the Alps. The Ladins south of the Brenner have the same name as the Latinians. Ernst Schwarz [Sch p 25], who also is a proponent of this theory, locates even much more in the north, west of the lower river Weser, approximately on the area of the ( much later ) Salian Franks of the Gau Sal+land east of river Ys+sel. However, identifying lat → sal is daring. Then one also could identify the Germanic tribes of the Tub+ants or the Bat+avians with the Italic Sab+inians.
Also voting for this theory - and for the identification of the peoples between Celts and Germanics with the Brieger and Venetians ( the peoples of the urnfield culture ) of the 2nd Indo-European migration in our preceeding article - that there was among Cesars Belger a tribe Paemani, the name of which has no Celtic and Germanic derivation. This name can be found too around Lugo in Galicia in north-west Spain and in Galstia in Anatolia [ Bir p 187 ]. | many attempts
to derive
toponyms
from
Germanic, Celtic or Slavinic
lead to trivial
i.e.
folk-etymologies |
The Arrival
of the
Indo-Europeans
in
Central Europe | Instead of timely horizontal and in epochs we can argue timely vertical and in space regions. An (important) example is the upper valley of the Rhine, which above was associated with the western version of the urnfield-culture.
Presumably the first remarkable culture has been that one of Michelsberg. It slowly became *Vssconic because of the expansion around (6000) bChr of the band ceramics people all over Europe ( if it were the band ceramics people? ) and the aftermath of their splitting into the various languages. The massacre of Talheim / Neckar around (5000) bChr likely can be associated with this - and not with the Indo-European invasion 2000 years later, likewise the ominous happenings at Herxheim in the valley of the Rhine around 4900 bChr, the victims of which also came from distant mountains. Contrary to this, the massacre of Eulau / Saale [ H…A ] falls into this epoch - around 2400 bChr. Definitely the buried women were from distant mountains, the Harz mountains only being an example. They should have been *Vasconic women, who - again - were beautiful. Supposing that the attackers were Indo-Europeans from the east, the ancestry of the slain men remains open. Are they rest *Vasconics or already Indo-Europeans of an earlier wave of invaders? This must be clarified by anthropology, say the reconstruction of faces, which in the case of Thalheim excludes Indo-Europeans.
However, the various *Vasconic dialects and languages are impossible to reconstruct, lest their geographical limits. The Indo-European invasion for sure remodelled these borders, before, at the same time or later. Likely becoming Indo-European - in the beginning forcefully - took place in the favourable regions, i.e. the fertile flat lands of Germany and the broad river valleys and around lake Constance. At first, up to (2500) bChr, there have been sporadic raids by young men on horse back, which led to the fortification of *Vasconic bases to close the main gateways. This way we explain the four military Nausis sites north of Hersfeld, but also the first bandkeramik fortifications on the Milseburg, exactly two daily marches to the south - which ought to seal off the Thuringian gate by some tactical atomic weapons of the stone and bronze age. In the long run the open gates to central Europe north of the Alps were not defendable. Especially the surprising mobility of the invaders made the local *Vasconic population to fall behind - not necessarily it were superior weapons ( one soon adapts to those ). There were different reactions in the various regions.
In the fertile and open planes around the Harz mountains ( the Börden ) they immediately were subdued and - as a substrat - were able to add a substantial part of their language to the Indo-European and later Germanic vocabulary. Hence here and only here there was a certain tolerance of the invading Indo-Europeans against the *Vasconic inhabitants, although this meant only the female part of those. Clearly the *Vasconics may have retreated in the mountains, which then presumably were settled first. This would explain a lot of place names and local traditions ( for instance giants and witches ). These regions became only in the course of many generations (Indo-) Germanic.
The other rising Indo-European language groups, Celts and Baltics, behaved less tolerant, since these languages are considerably closer to Proto-Indo-Europan. In the case of the Baltic peoples the earlier population should have been thin. In the case of the Celts, who likely came into being in an arc around the Cevennes, starting in the south at Le-Puys-en-Velais, then along the valley of the Loire to the Atlantic west of Poitiers, the *Vasconics fled into the mountains.
In between in the center of Europe - between (2200) and (800) bChr. - arouse an early version of the urnfield-culture in at least four geographical parts. The mutual relations of whose for sure have led to history, which, however, we can reconstruct only by archeology and place names. We think that some of our dynasties originate in this era - or even earlier.
The most easily to spin off is the southern version of the urnfield-culture in the Apls, the northern border of which we assume at river Danube (vind+elicorum), the southern border south of the Alps in the Vintschgau in Tyrol already south of the main water divide. In the west it reached Wind+isch, overlaying the pile dwelling culture of the big lakes. In the east it probably stretched till Pannonia (vindo+bona), which Anreiter [ Anr ] describes depletively. Also possible Bud+a ← Vind+a with a n deleted by Madjarisation.
The geographical center of the urnfield-culture should have in the middle of Germany, in Thuringia, Upper Saxony or Anhalt. Even northern Bohemia can be taken into account. This culture rose around 1600 bChr to a high level - which the sky disk of Nebra shows. Perhaps here there has been not only a administrative but also a religious center for all four or five parts of the urnfield-culture, the northern version of which became the Indo-European component of the rising Germanics, in the beginning at Seddin, after in the northern plains of Germany. The transition to the neighboring three regional versions may have been fluent. The proper name of the urnfield people may have been Brieger, which we have established in the preceeding article.
The eastern version of the urnfield-culture was the Lausitz culture of the Venetians → Wenden, the center or even capital presumably being Breslau. This culture reached eastern Galicia and in the north the Baltic. | gives rise to a
geat culture
including
giants and witches |
Mainz
and the
Historography | There remains the western version ot the urnfield-culture. Unlike the invasion into Northern Germany and Scandinavia, the Indo-European invasion into Central and Western Europe should have been considerably more forcefully. When the defence of the *Vasconic population broke down, the Indo-Europeans overtook the fertile plains. Only the upper regions in the mountains remained *Vasconic. This resulted in only very few - if any - *Vasconic expressions in Italic. Probably the Indo-Europeans invented a rigid cast system, which excluded any contact with the aboriginal population, which maintained its stand only in geographical protected areas. Examples are
- one north-south ground strip in Luxemburg,
- Ürzig below the Kondel mountain range in the valley of the Mosel,
- the upfront Hunsrück aound Kastellaun and die floodplain of the Dünnbach,
- the floodplain forsts on both sides of the upper river Rhine,
- the horseshoe bend of river Main at Volkach,
- the mountain range around the Milseburg,
- the Vogelsberg,
- the valley, which is overlooked by the Hohenzollern castle, the Sülchengau and
large parts of the Baar counties around with their somewhat colder climates,
- the Aach valley north of lake Constance,
- in the south the mountain ranges between Constance and Zürich,
- and principly all highlands of the central European low mountain ranges.
Henceforth there evolved an - in the beginning fragile - then more stable equilibrium over several hundred years, in which the Indo-European languages remained untouched and the *Vasconic language only slowly was substituted. Possibly only around (1400) bChr Indo-European started to penetrate the mountain regions more substantially, till in the end only *Vasconic place names remained non-Indo-European - but the *Vasconic influence appeared in both (?!) sound shifts - the Germanic and the later German one. Even likely *Vasconic in the upper regions of the mountains survived - one or even several - invasions of new populations and languages, wherefrom *Vasconic words entered later Germanic or German in various ways! There were preferred and strategically important sites, like that
- of Mainz,
- at lake Constance,
- of Bamberg,
- of the cove of Windsheim,
- of the trough of the Kraichgau etc.
which, however, from the beginning were aim of the Indo-European invasion. The capital of this western culture we assume in Mainz, the name of which Mogont+ being according to Pokorny derived from common Indo-European might – because of the Basque aversion of an initial m it can't be of that origin. Wherefrom it became a title and in the sequel even the name of a God. There is the later, typical Italic example - the rise of Augustus-Octavian, whose deification only was terminated by the evolving christianity.
It remains to clarify the origin of the n in Mogont+:
In Germanic it sometimes appears but sometimes it doesn't,
it isn't Celtic [ Mat p 262, but doubts on p 11 ] and *maglo ≡ leader, noble,
Pokorny doesn't mention it for being Celtic, but finds it in many other Indo-European language groups,
Buck [ Buc § 4.81 ] has for Macht in the Celtic languages only non-related expressions,
Contrary to this inserting the n typically is Latin, interpreted as typical for the north-west-block by Hans Kuhn !
Less likely the n appeared only 1 200 years later - too late - during the conquest by Cesar / Augustus / Drusus.
Geographically the area of this empire around the capital Mainz only can be estimated. Most likely it stretched from the Bayrischer Wald in the east to Reims in the west, to the north till Westphalia and in the south to the the Swiss northern hills. In the zone of tensions with the Celts in the west we find the same sort of a place name Magetobriga ⭯ La-Moigte-de-Broie on river Saône, which according to Udolph lies just outside the original Celtic nation. Here - later - a battle between the Suebians of Ariovist and the Celtic Sequanii took place. This name simply means might (of the) Brieger in the language of the urnfield-culture and in Celtic. Compare this to the name of the capital Breslau of Silesia. Also here the name +briga may have gotten into Celtic, when this area was finally lost to the Celts. +briga is assumed older than Celtic +dunum. These tensions with the Celts may have been the major reason for the migration of the Italics of the urnfield-culture across the Alps into Italy.
The name of river Main, which opposite to Mainz empties into river Rhine and certainly played a major role in the evolution of that city to a major center, should be derived from the place name and should have replaced an older *Vasconic one - taking the theory of the north-west-block, with Ernst Schwarz's identification of the people between Germanics and Celts with the Italics [ Sch ], into account. The most western part of which were the Remer around Reims in the Champagne. Possibly the name of the county of Bray(e) reflects the name Brieger directly - and similarly Bresse in eastern Burgundy. At any rate Bray in the Champagne and Bresse look like preferred sceneries of the invading Indo-Europeans, both up to now famous for agriculture.
But is among the Italics in Italy a tribe - or even only a family - whose name also reflects this name Brieger ?
Mount Bullenheim is a part of the western foothills of the Steigerwald, on which a center of the urnfield-culture is excavated. This culture ended abruptly around 800 bChr ( but peacefully without any debris ). New settlements appeared only after a time gap to the late Latène age [ K l P p 19 ]. This break together with its lack of findings proves the invasion of the Celts, after the Italics left the country to invade Italy. In the era of the urnfield-culture this structure on the mountain spur ( downhill there is an earlier astronomical circular earthwork ) was so important that the question arises whether it was the center of an empire, independent of Mainz. At any rate plenty of history took place here and than !
A highlight of the western urnfield-culture are the four gold hats, dating in this age in which Celts, Germanics ( assuming that they took over a lot from the megalith culture ), Baltics and Slavics still were pure barbaric, for instance unable to punch metal. We still are in need of a metallurgic examination of all four gold hats - which could verify the find spot of the Berlin hat at mount Bullenheim. There two gold hats with such a brim were discovered. We would like to assume the find spot ( damned pot diggers ) further south on the Frankenhöhe, say on the mount Laubers, where Wind + / + wind + place names cluster. Actually then their find spots approximately would lie on the same latitude, that one from mount Brenten near Ezelsdorf at 49,3°N, that one of the Reuschlache near Schifferstadt at 49,4°N - that one from the mount Bullenheim at 49,6°N and that one carried off to Avanton, north of Poitiers, found even at 49,7°N. Do they mark an axis of the empire like in the early German Empire the Hellweg - later the Reichsstraße 1 ?
Menusgada is one of the earliest recorded place names in Germany [ KMKL ], located in this book at Hallstadt near Bamberg - convincingly since this means Menus+gandor ≡ ridge on Main and there is an elbow of the river. It fits here better than at the Staffelberg further north, another location discussed in literature. Together with Munition → +münden Menusgada is a nice crosschecking for the coordinate transformations of [KMKL]. Here - where the river Main starts to cut through Steigerwald and Haß mountains - settling was likely in all ages. Therefore we not only find the usual *Vasconic harts, gandor-names but also +bisch, eber+, esch+, +itz, senn → sem ones ( this being natural before the b ). Since exactly here there is the western frontier of the much later Slavic settling, we have to understand the more western itz-river names *Vasconic and only the eastern ones Slavic. This results in some mixed *Vasconic-Indo-European place names like Menusgada or - typical - Bischwind ≡ route of Wends / Venetians. Since there are traces of fightings on Staffelstein and Bullenheimer Berg at the end of the urnfield-culture (800) bChr [ F&O ], and both in the following age remained uninhabited, we have to assume a forced emigration of the Italics from the Mainz empire. Also before here should have been the frontier to the central urnfield-culture, the central place of which we do not know - most likely in a belt from the Vogtland to Anhalt on the river Elbe.
The battle of Conerow and at the same time the abandoning of the settlement on the Bullenheimer Berg mark the end of this glamorous age. Even before 1300 bChr raids of the barbaric Celts from the west should have put pressure on the Mainz empire. Assumption
Due to one of these raids a local capital was sacked and its riches were lost - how these looked like is shown convincingly on page 24 in [ K l P ]. It has not been one of the western ones, which were better defended, but one in the interior, in the Harthäuserwald or one in any of the many sinuosities of the river Jagst near Möckmühl, say at Züttlingen ← Zutilingen ← zuto i hal ≡ flag in Basque language. This strategic location had already been a *Vasconic center which carried over into the urnfield-culture.
That way one of the four gold hats came to Avaton north of Poitiers and was buried there.
Reason - on the one hand - are the common longitude of the four localities plus - on the other hand - the shape of the four gold hats [ Men p 64 ]. The cause of the sudden mass migration of the Italics into the Italian boot is highly speculative - the eruption of an Islandic volcano, leading to a short ice age, say. Besides pressure from the west there may have been dynastic turmoil, combined with social unrest, which after one thousand years automatically arise. Pressure from the northern German plains also may have played a role - the guards of the capital Mainz should mostly have been legionnaires from there. Even religious turmoils, which led to new burial rites by cremation in urns, can be the cause of. When news came up Mainz from the riches south of the Alps and the successful Venetians in Italy the youth crossed the Alps in droves. Other groups arrived in Britain, at the French westcoast and Spain. The urnfield-culture still was flourishing until approximately 800 bChr, but the permanent bloodletting finally let to complete Celtisation. Only from then onwards the urnfield-culture was replaced by the Celtic Hallstadt-culture. | an early capital
of the
Mainz empire
with an early
empiral highway 2
?
the highway 1
was the river Main
probably |
Die
Reconstruction
of
History | After the 2nd Indo-European wandering we get written historical records, which makes methods like those of [ KMKL ] available. To what extend Iliad and Odyssey - together with earlier and later Greek sagas - reflect historical events of this era remains open.
The split-off of the Indo-European language group, i.e. the genesis of the Tocharians, the Sanskrit- and Avesta-associated peoples and - as the most western group - the Germanics took place before the second Indo-European wandering ( and partly even before or during the the first one ). After the individual groups formed the peoples, which process went on to modern times. Gray and Atkinson [ G&A ] confirm this old linguistic result roughly, even if their purely statistical approach has to be calibrated somewhat, and Tocharians und Hittites have to be grouped into the western branch, in contrast to their final geographical locations. How, when and where they came from still remains open. Our view only is the most likely one.
After the second great Indo-European wandering tribes of the Celts, Germanics, Balts and Slavics completely ruled Europe. Before - they were unimportant, peripheral and barbaric, presumeably formed by neighboring, loosely related groups. Then some of these were able to form clusters, whose growing power played some role in the fall of the Central European, ruling urnfield-culture. This reveals itself only piece by piece. The British Isles were In&do-Europeanised only after (1500) bChr, probably even after (1200) bChr, when only the Pictish north was able to pare that pressure until the year 843. Celtic tribes should not have crossed the Channel before (800) bChr, may be even (200) years later, in the time frame of their great migrations. These two Indo-European waves should not be confused. | should be possible
in the era and after
(1200) bChr
close to that one
after the beginning
of written records |
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|
